• Journal of North-East Asian Cultures
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• v.30
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• pp.123-143
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• 2012

in the late 14th century, korean confucian literati, sinjinsadaebe(新進士大夫), tried to reform korean society in the base of neo confucianism. after Joseon Founding, korean confucian literati modified a lot of confucian ceremonies in order to substitute buddhist ceremonies. at first, they titled confucian ceremonies as "gyu sik(regulation manuals)", "Eui mun(ceremonial manuals)", and "Eui je(ceremonial manuals)". but in the end, they titled confucian ceremonies as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". they also titled the reports on national occasions as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". among the confucian reforms, the most important reforms were auspicious ceremony. korean confucian literati tried to make perfect confucian auspicious ceremony. the first national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals in annals of king sejong. and the second national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals. the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals in annals of king sejong was cart decorated by ivory. but the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals was the sedan with cover. the reason of the change of royal cart were king sejo's political showmanship and diplomatic pretext toward ming(明) china. after the publishment of the five national rituals, the royal cart was represented by the sedan with cover.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.144-152
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• 2004

In this study, the settlement of this etiquette book and the five-class mourning-costume system throughout two dynasties is examined and analyzed.; According to the Chosun dynasty's efforts to practice Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye(朱子家禮, Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals) through legal intensification and enlightenment policies, the book's teachings had a general effect on society at large. As a result, the family system and funeral rites turned Confucian from a Shaman-Buddhist mixture. As the Confucian order was strengthened to highlight the authority of the male family head, the funeral rituals were based on Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals. So, the 100-day funeral of Koryo turned into the 3-year funeral in the Chosun dynasty. Also, the main and father's lines were valued, while the mother's and wife's lines were neglected. Even though there was no great difference of status or place between males and females in the Koryo dynasty, the settlement of Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye brought about the drop of women's status as they gradually began to be dependent on men.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.23-29
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• 2021

Takji-oryego (A Review of the Five manners related to the Ministry of Finance) is a book organized by Hojo (Joseon's Ministry of Finance) and the cost and details of royal events held according to five manners. This book contained a lot of information on medicine-related rituals in the late Joseon Dynasty. Thus, it was found that the royal rituals related to medicine include not only childbirth and fertility, but also Heuljeon and Sangjeon. Through this study, the following facts were newly discovered: 1) The time of transcription was between October 1840 and October 1841. 2) Huljeon (Privilege given to save) is also related to the rise of the status of medical officials after King Sukjong. 3) According to Heuljeon, medical bureaucrats in the late Joseon Dynasty had a higher position than other technical officials. 4) The contents of reward were complementary to the existing literature. The date of death of a medical official, which was unknown in previous studies, is documented. In a case like Sansilcheong, there are contents that are unknown through other sources.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.5-12
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• 2000

Jaesuk-koli an important part of the 12 shamanistic rituals, is an accepted buddhist monk's costume. In this paper, the Jaesuk-kori costume and its meaning are studied. The ornaments of shaman's costume differe somewhat from region among individual shamans, but the symbolic meansing are fairly similar. The significance of Jaesuk-kori shaman's costume ar as followed ; First , a Buddhist monk's costume is accpted in the Jaesuk-kori ritual costume. Second, a shaman wears Jangsam (long-sleeved buddhist robe) and Kasa (surplice) in the Jaesuk-kori rituals. Third, the ornament of Sipjangsang objects search for earthly happiness while the rotus flower embroidered on the costume , depicts purity in the heaven world. Fourth, five colors in the Jaesuk-kori costume represented, Yin and Yang of universal harmony. Jesuk-kori ritual costumes signify that traditioal shamanism was accepted and absorbed into Buddhist rituals system.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.153-171
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• 2008

This study examined university students' view on the importance of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence in social life, and the extent to which they recognized the manners of offering congratulation or condolence. It also looked into the plans and content of education on such manners required by the students. The study aimed at seeking a direction for education on the manners of offering congratulation or condolence in order to help the students acquire an appropriate conception of offering congratulation or condolence and contribute to firmly establishing a sound culture of conveying congratulation or condolence. The following results were obtained in the study. 1. One a five-point scale, university students' recognitions of the importance of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence were revealed as follows: attending condolence rituals(4.55) > attending wedding ceremonies(4.30) > visiting sick acquaintances(4.03) > attending birthday parties (3.50) > attending openings(3.47) > attending promotion or retirement parties(3.42). 2. One a five-point scale, university students' recognitions of the manners of offering congratulation or condolence in social life were as follows: the manners of attending condolence rituals(4.20) > the manners of attending wedding ceremonies(4.06) > the manners of attending promotion or retirement parties(3.9) > the manners of attending openings(3.80) > the manners of attending birthday parties(3.69) > the manners of visiting sick acquaintances(3.44). 3. One a five-point scale, university students' requirements for the content of education on the manners of conveying congratulation and condolence were as follows: education on the manners of attending condolence rituals(4.08) > education on the manners of visiting sick acquaintances(3.35) > education on the manners of attending wedding ceremonies(3.27) > education on the manners of attending promotion and retirement parties(2.96) > education on the manners of attending birthday parties(2.91) > education on the manners of attending openings(2.91). 4. One a five-point scale, university students' requirements for the plan for education on the manners of conveying congratulation and condolence were as follows: 'The education content should be applicable in real life'(4.42) > 'The education content should be easily understandable' (4.23) > 'Information or materials related to the education content should be easily accessible'(4.01) > 'The theory and actual practice of education should be taught in parallel' (3.96) > 'Education related materials should be utilized'(3.92) > 'Students' demands should be reflected when structuring the content of education'(3.91). 5. The study examined the relationship among university students' recognitions of the importance of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence, their recognitions of the manners of offering congratulation or condolence, and their demands regarding such manners. According to the results, a static relationship was found in all sub-areas, indicating students show higher recognition of practicing manners of conveying congratulation or condolence as they have higher recognition of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence in social life. In addition, higher recognition of practicing manners of conveying congratulation or condolence made them demand more for the necessity of plan and content of education on the manners of offering congratulation or condolence in university.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Fundamentals of Nursing
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.237-256
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• 1998

Death and dying of human being is a comprehensive system, and death orientation, the subjective meaning related to every component of the death system is developed throughout life. This study was designed and carried out to identify, describe and classify the orientations of Korean adult towards the death system. In an attempt to measure the subjective meaning of death and dying, unstructured Q-methodology was used. The 65 Q-statements developed by Kim(1994), used by Kim(1994) and Park(1996) were adopted as Q-population and 39 Q-statements were selected by the three researchers for Q-items for this study. Thirty-three P-samples were sampled from P-population of literate Korean men and women, 35 and 55 years of age, lived in urban Korea for the last 10 years. Sortings of the 39 Q-items according to the level of personal agreement, and a forced normal distribution into the 9 levels were carried out by the P-samples. The Z-scores of the Q-sort data were computed, and the principal components factor analysis by PC-QUANL Program were carried out. The demographic, socio-cultural and health-related attributes of the P-samples were descriptively analysed. Eight types of death orientation were identified ; Type I ; 'naturalist'. Six P-samples. Death is a natural phenomena, to be accepted as it is and to follow its natural course. Prefer to be informed of all facts and possibilities concernig the course of dying and death to occur to self. Type II ; 'life-after-life negator'. Three P-samples. Time and process of death is the destiny of each person. Death means 'darkness' and 'end to every thing, the absolute end'. Yet, wish physical integrity at the dying and after death. Type III ; 'life-after-life believer'. Six P-samples. Men are travellers passing by this life bound to the life-after-life. Priority concerns are on the activities to prepare self for the eternal life ahead. Disregard premature and sudden death. Type IV ; 'here-now believer' Five P-samples. Positive regard to the cremation of the body and donation of the organs on death. Regard religious and customary post-motem rituals meaningless. Negate life-after life. Type V; 'believer of rituals'. Five P-samples. Death being accepted as a part of, a natural end to, and destiny of human life. Concerned to ensure a dignified end to personal life and dignified post-mortem rituals. Type VI ; 'Realist'(derived from Type I). Two P-samples. Life and death as universal reality. The abrupt death at golden age at the peak of happiness is favored to avoid inevitable physical and mental distress of self and the family. Agreed to the cremation of the body. Disregard rituals. Type VII : 'Fatalist' (derived from Type II). Five P-samples. Not favored, yet, all man are destined to death, the inevitable end of all living beings. To ensure dignified end by personal consummation, information on one's dying and imminent death are to be shared. Type VIII ; 'reality avoider'(derived from Type III). One P-sample. Negative to longevity, artificial prolongation of, meaningless and distressful life. Highly positive to postmortem organ donation.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.59 no.10
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• pp.68-84
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• 2009

A state wedding ceremony of kings and crown princes in the Chosun Dynasty was systemically formalized in a book Five National Ceremonies (1474) as one of the five major formal events of the royal auspicious ceremonies(Ga-rae). For a state wedding, Ga-rae Protocol was made by a devision for Ga-rae temporarily established for the occasion. A total number of auspicious ceremony protocols of kings and crown princes amounts to 20 in the span of 279 years. Among the proposals, the wedding of Soon-jong in the Imo Year of 1882 is described most thoroughly. Nap-bin-ui(reception of bride) comprises six rituals which are nap-chae, nap-jing, go-gyi, chaek-bin, chin-young, and dong-ryae. A grand formal costume of the crown prince is granted based on the 'Seven Parts Formal Costume' of the first year of the king Moon-jong in 1450 together with an official costume for crown prince(Gon-myeon-chil-jang) arranged in the third year of the king Young-rak. In the royal palace of the Chosun Dynasty, the granted formal costume of the crown prince is officially recorded as a code and presented in a Gwon-ji-il section of the Formalities of the Five National Ceremonies. The formal costume and its accessory set for the crown prince recorded as a code are described in Sangbang Jeong-ryae as the formal costume of the crown prince section published by the king's request at the high senate commission in the 28th year of the king Young-jo in 1752. The aim of the study is to investigate the formal costume of the crown prince as an auspicious ceremonial costume worn at the wedding in the year of Imo.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.25-42
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• 2008

The Gyeongbok Palace was completed during the reign of King Taejo and King Sejong in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most remarkable spacious feature of the palace is that it has an inner palace wall without an outer palace wall. The absence of the outer palace wall had its origin in the palace of the late Goryeo Dynasty which did not provide the outer palace wall. Gwanghwamoon was the main gate of the palace, and the office buildings of the Six Ministries were arranged on the right side in front of the main gate. A wide road called Six Ministries Avenue was made between the builidings. The avenue was completed during the reign of the third king of Joseon, Taejong, and it was assumed that this arrangement was influenced by the government office arrangements of Nanjing, the early capital city of the Ming Dynasty. Gwanghwamoon held national rituals as well as the civic and military state examinations nations in front of the gate. The avenue was decorated with flowers and silks when kings and the royal families, or Chinese envoys enter the gate, and the civilians watched the parade, Because there was no outer palace wall, all the events held at Gwanghwamoon and the Six Ministries Avenue ware opened to the public, it was the unique feature of Gyeongbok Palace that the palaces of Goryeo dynasty and China did not have.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.439-454
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• 1996

The present study investigated Bul-Chun-Wi Sacrificial Ritual (sacrificial service which has been handed down from generation to generation to worship the family ancestors in the period of $1400{\sim}1800$) and foods for the sacrificial service among fourteen head families in Andong area. The findings are as follows; 1. In Bul-Chun-Wi Sacrificial Rituals, family shrine has been maintained in good shape, and the table, dishes, and foods used in the rituals have not been changed so much until these days. 2. While vegetable soup is widely used as soup, one family uses the seaweed soup, the other soup mixed with meat, fish, and vegetable. Specially soybean-powdered soup, which is the distinguishable food in Andong area, has been used. 3. As a basic Ddock, mainly Si-Ru-Ddock(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 13-15 stacks, is used. Additional 7-9 kinds of Ddock are placed on top of the basic Ddock. 4. For grilled-meat food(Geuck), eight families use the raw meat, and one family uses the half-cooked meat. Recently, five families have used the cooked meat. Mostly used ones are meat-Geuck, fish-Geuck, chicken-Geuck, and the Geuck are not served one by one. Instead the Geuck are stacked in one dish designed for Geuck in order of meats from poultry, animal, fish, and shell. As the sub-dishes for rice, raw and cooked Geuck are used. 5. The number of stew (Tang) are 3 to 6 and 5 stews is the most popular. Commonly used stews are meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, blood stew, and organs stew. For the vegetable stew, buckwheat gel can be used. 6. As the fruit, chinese date, pear, nut and dried persimmons are the basic ones. The even number of 6 or 8 colorful fruits are used, while the odd number of 7 or 9 colorful fruits are used in three head families. 7. As Sik-Hae which is a drink and made from fermented rice, rice Sik-Hae or fish Sik-Hae has been necessarily used. 8. As raw meat dish, the liver of cow or meat is used. As a wrapping materials, the reticulum of a ruminant, green seaweed or thinly fried egg can be used.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-5
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• 1998

Grief is the ordinarily self-limited complex of symptoms and processes that constitute the acute reaction to a significant loss. And it is the reaction of the dying as well as the bereaved. Every culture has had its own ways of grief and mourning. The definition of healthy grief and mourning, in terms of both emotional expression and the length of time it should continue, mostly depend upon the type of culture as well as the type of religion. So the manner of grief and mourning greatly differs from culture to culture. In the most of the Asian countries, influenced by Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, death is traditionally considered the most significant life cycle transition. In Chinese culture, many rituals have evolved to help family members deal with their loss, over the past five thousand years. Confucianism taught the virtues of filial piety and righteousness. These rules and many customs added since the time of Cofucius, have been loyally followed and practiced by many Asian people. However, Buddhists have different ideas. They believe in karma and reincarnation and in predetermination of one's present life by good or bad deeds in the present life and past lives. Display of uncontrollable emotion is not encouraged. Continuity of family relations after death is very important. The ancient practice of the ancestor worship is still followed in many Asian households. Many Buddhist do not practice ancestor worship; family members honor the deceased by placing a memorial plate in the temple for continued chanting purposes. The mourning rituals have been dramatically curtailed in the past 50 years. For example, political, social and economic forces have shaped the current mourning practices of Chinese in different countries. There are many clinical implications in helping Asian to deal better with the emotional strains of the experience of loss. The therapiest must respect the cultural framework through which the client perceives family losses.