• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.271-286
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• 2011

The role of information in knowledge society has changed. Library refers to information centre, which is actively involved information collection and promoting use of for the development of individual and society. Modern libraries are the centres of interaction for all interested in accessing information and in participating in the marathon of the present competitive age. Information and a conducive environment of its free flow is a vital tool in all forms of human endeavour. It is the link pin of national development. For a nation to develop it needs to have and provide relevant, updated and adequate information on food security, health, democracy, population, education, family planning, youth empowerment, gender quality, environment etc. The information intermediaries are the persons to modulate these complexities and find match between the information sources and users needs to satisfaction of Ranganathan's law: Books are for use; Every reader his/her book; Every book its reader; Save the time of the reader; Library is a growing organism. The relative importance of these norms in modern context has been evident from experience, study, observations, discussions, etc., and only by scientists and technologists, but also by managers, planners, and policy makers. They recognize the usefulness of information in the performance of their needs information needs. Libraries are therefore proper management, provision and dissemination of such information. It is clearly visible in the contemporary context, that the libraries in the knowledge society are much more than the book depositories This article looks at the theory/practice divide in library and information science and particularly Ranganathan's contributions, basic statements remain as valid in substance if not in expression as -to-day as when they were promulgated, concisely representing the ideal service and organizational philosophy of libraries today.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.55
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• pp.205-230
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• 2003

This article examines the continuity and change of Korean welfare regime during 1990s. Democracy, globalization and the financial crisis changed the landscape of Korean society as a whole and provided a catalyst for the change of the Korean welfare regime. In order to show how and what changed in Korean welfare regime, this study concentrates on the transformations of income maintenance programmes and social welfare services. The changed aspects are as follow: (1) The ratio of social expenditure to GDP has increased during 1990s and now stood at ten percent level. (2)Rather than backing up the company welfare, government strove to build and expand income maintenance devices for all citizens. (3) The poverty and inequality reduction effects of income maintenance programs are very weak in early 1990s, but they are gradually getting stronger impact on poverty and inequality. But, there are also continuance. (1) In spite of the relative development of income maintenance programs, social welfare services are still poorly designed as before. (2) The expenditure level of social welfare services shows sharp contrast to income maintenance programs and lagged behind the other OECD countries. (3) The expansion of social service sector employment are also not so salient. In 2002, social service employment is only at close to 2.5 per cent of the total employment. Accordingly, korean welfare regime is now characterized by a model which is to curb poverty and inequality by engaging in direct government provision of income maintenance programs, but refrain from expanding social service by relying on net welfare which encourage the provision of services within the family. A implication of our analysis is that the expansion of social welfare Korea saw after 1997 was not really an regime shift. According to the arguments of Peter Hall, first and second order changes in policy do not automatically lead to third order changes which imply regime shift. Policy changes which occurred during 1990s was not accompanied by a shift in policy paradigms. Family dependency in welfare is not yet changed.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.44
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• pp.101-151
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• 2015

This article analyzes biographies of women participants in Miryang struggle against 765㎸ transmission tower and finds that the experience of state violence under the ideological conflicts works the biographical context of participation in environment movement. The cases analyzed in this article disclose the family member's experience of state violence and their trauma through the participation in social movement. And they legitimize their family member's life, heal their trauma, and live a new life by the social movement participation. But the power of healing trauma comes from solidarity and support in social movement. Findings of this article imply that experiences of state violence have influence on the formation and development of various Korean social movements and we need more solidarity and democracy for healing the trauma occurred by state violence and concealed in individual memory. Findings of this article also suggest the importance of biography documents. Biography documents can contribute to widen and to deepen understandings on the social interaction and social history, because they are the document about people's experience who are excluded from the official history and character culture. Moreover biography documents can compensate the official documents, because they can offer the context to the social actions in the official documents. More accumulations and analyses on biographies can serve to widen and to deepen understanding and explanation of Korean society having multilayered exclusion in the process of the compressed modernization and the history of national division.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.91-112
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to analyze how the elements of activating happiness education suggested by Noddings is reflected in the Home Economics part of Middle School Technology-Home Economics Textbook Volume 2 of 2009 Curriculum Revision. The introduction style of unit, sub-unit, and small chapter, the objectives, the body contents, the activity resources, the tables/diagrams/pictures, the supplementry and advancedl materials, and the wrap-up and evaluation of sub-unit and units of Home Economics part of Technology Home Economics textbook volume 2 were analyzed. Noddings suggested the elements for activating happiness education in five areas of personal life sector including 'home making', 'place and nature', 'parenting', 'chracter and spiriual experiences', and 'growth of interpersonal relationships' and two areas of public one including 'preperation for work' and 'community, democracy and voluntary activities'. The specific elements in seven sectors of activating happiness education were extracted using the content analysis. How the elements of those suggested by Noddings were reflected in the various parts of the textbook were analyzed in terms of the closeness of approaches, contents, and procedures between Noddings's and textbook. The major findings of this study were as follows: 1. The degree to which the elements of activating happiness education were reflected in the textbook differed by each unit. The elements of activating happiness education were reflected the most frequently in the unit of 'Unit of Practice of Eco-friendly Family Life' and the least frequently in the unit of 'Unit of Career and Life Planning'. 2. The Home Economics units of Technology Home Economics textbooks 1&2 reflects the factors of personal life and public life that Noddings suggested for activating happiness. However, personal life-related factors are relatively more reflected in the units than the public life-related factors. 3. Although the elements of activating happiness education were generally reflected in all the elements of a textbook, these elements were relatively more reflected in the Unit Introduction, Sub-unit Introduction, Chapter and Introduction, Objectives, body contents and tables/diagrams/pictures.

• Survey Research
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.45-69
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• 2009

This paper explores how multiple facets of social capital in Korea affects social conflict. The notion of social capital is composed of several elements including (1) social trust in generalized others (2) confidence in public sector fairness and the principles of democracy (3) social networks and closures and (4) community spirit and collective norms. We particularly examine how these multiple dimensions of social capital affect an individual`s tendency of social conflict orientation. The findings address the following four points. First, an individual, who trusts generalized others in a society, is less likely to be exclusive and conflict-oriented. Second, the more an individual has confidence in the efficacy of democratic processes and public sector fairness, the more (s)he is likely to be social integration oriented. When an individual, in contrast, gives strong support to a particular party (or government in power), the person is more likely to be conflict oriented. Third, an individual who mobilizes exclusive social closures to solve a problem is more likely to be conflict oriented. However, an individual who maintains a variety of inclusive social networks is more likely to be social integration oriented. Finally, the internalization of collective norms does not affect directly the tendency of individual's social conflict orientation. Increasing social capital at the individual level does not automatically guarantee societal level conflict resolutions. Rather, building extensive social closures based on strong family or hometown ties, school connections, political interests has detrimental effects on social integration and conflict resolutions. More, constructive social integration in a society requires higher level of open social networks, consistent administrative and democratic procedures, and social trust in generalized others.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.35-50
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• 2022

The Korean cultural heritage protection act, enacted in 1962, is known to have been enacted in imitation of the Japanese cultural heritage protection act. The Japanese law differs from the current law dealing with intangible cultural heritage, folklore materials, and buried cultural properties. The Japanese law was enacted in consultation with the GHQ, and reflected the historical issues at the time of the enactment. Recently, in Japan, GHQ documents have been released and so research on the cultural heritage protection act is carried out. Therefore, it is necessary to understand the meaning and achievements of the Japanese cultural heritage protection act before comparing it with the Korean law. GHQ stipulated the emperor as a symbolic entity in the Japanese constitution and prescribed the country as a liberal democracy. Influenced by this, the cultural heritage protection act was enacted to identify the people's cultural heritage. Accordingly, the cultural heritage protection committee is a private and independent organization in Japan. The committee designates cultural heritage assets, and it operates as the national museum and the cultural heritage research institute. This system was a part of policy changes shifting cultural heritage management to the private sector. Since many cultural heritages are associated with the imperial family, museums were managed by the imperial family. Meanwhile, the Japanese house of councillors persuaded GHQ, which was negative about including intangible cultural heritage in the cultural heritage protection act. The purpose of this idea was to provide the system of the government support for Japanese imperial court music and dance. In addition, folk materials were included with the consent of the GHQ in that they represent the cultural heritages and the academic achievements of the people at the time in Japan. According to the Korean Law, the subject of designation of cultural heritage is the government, and the cultural heritage committee acts as an advisory body with its limited functions. In the early days, the committee confused the concept of intangible cultural heritage and folklore materials. This was because the concepts of cultural property was borrowed from Japanese law and applied to the Korean law without a full understanding. In response, the cultural heritage committee urged the ministry to investigate the current situation in Japan. The cultural heritage committee, mainly consisting of folklore scholars, was confused about the concepts of intangible cultural heritage and folklore materials, but the concept became clear when the enforcement regulations of the cultural heritage protection Act was enacted in 1964.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.145-172
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• 2021

Shin Myung-soon's is based on the taboo 'bombing of the Han River Bridge'. The reality of the bombing of the Han River Bridge in 1950 and the shooting of Colonel Choi Chang-sik was known only as a word of mouth. At that time, the ruling class did not want to reveal the painful mistakes of the unfavorable war situation in the early days of the war and the false broadcasting of the president. The truth of the case, which was kept completely secret even to the bereaved family, could only be revealed after the regime change. After that, the bereaved family of Colonel Choi Chang-sik confirmed the innocence of the deceased through a request for retrial, and then the was born. However, the fate of was not so smooth. At the time, the performance officials vividly remember the difficulties they had with the text. Despite passing the pre-screening of the script, the performance was canceled just before the performance. The fact that the National Theater, officials from the Ministry of Culture and Education, and even military generals visited the practice room to stop the performance, on the contrary, was a testimony to the dangers of . It can be summarized as a crack in official history and a move to stop it. was later adapted into a special TV drama in 1981 and was first released to the public. This was a very meaningful step in terms of dealing with politically sensitive subjects on television, but the inconsistency of in the first place has largely disappeared. After that, in 1988, only after democracy entered the phase of appeasement, could be performed in its full form. In short, can be said to be an example of a process in which the history of the Korean War recorded from the standpoint of an established order and the counter-memory that crack it up are transformed according to the changes of the times and media.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.31-68
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• 1990

The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.