• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.604-626
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• 2012

As a society of knowledge and information has been developed rapidly, because of changing from web environment to ubiquitous environment, a lot of countries across the world as well as S. Korea for e-Government have come to use the internet electronic voting for a variety of elections. So this research focused on the strategy consulting of the internet electronic voting of S. Korea with spatial information system analysed by the application of 'scenario planning' as a foresight method. And as a consequence, the strategy formulation of the electronic voting for the future S. Korea is to use the biometrics technology system as vein recognition and face recognition, using a part of the human body like a password, with spatial information system.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.403-415
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• 2017

In this paper, we investigate cosponsorship networks found in the 17th National Assembly of Republic of Korea. New legislation should be sponsored by at least 10 legislators including one main sponsor. Cosponsorship networks can be constructed, using directional links from cosponsors of legislation to its main sponsor; subsequently, these networks indicate the social relationships among the legislators. We apply Exponential Random Graph Model (ERGM) for valued networks to capture structural properties and the covariate effects of networks. We find the effect of the same party has the greatest influence on the composition of the network. Mutuality also plays an important role in the cosponsorship network; in addition, the effect of the number of elections won by a legislator has a small but significant influence.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.163-209
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• 2011

This study empirically analyzes whether political rent-seeking behavior exits in Korea. The empirical analysis shows that there is a cyclical decline in aggregate revenue immediately following the election year. However, when using other aggregate fiscal variables including aggregate revenue, fiscal balance, tax and public burden ratio, no such cyclical deterioration are found. By sector, the expenditures of the economic affairs show a cyclical increase in the year right after the election. In addition, as the ratio of ruling party senators to total senators is high, the expenditures of the economic affairs tend to increase more and this tendency becomes more stronger right after the presidential election year. Such a result turns out to be consistent even when the expenditure was analyzed separately from the mandatory and discretionary expenditures by sector. This is a testimony to the existence of political rent-seeking behavior in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.46
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• pp.145-177
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• 2001

This paper seeks to analyze how the welfare state has developed both in the Kim Young Sam government and in the Kim Dae Jung government. Among other things, the two governments share some similarities: compared to the previous authoritarian governments, both of them enjoyed a high level of democratic legitimacy; the two were under pressure to win the elections to acquire and remain in power; and finally, the two tried to strengthen welfare system. But there exist more critical differences. The Kim Dae Jung government was a minority government, while the Kim Young Sam government was a majority one. Compared to the latter one, the former came to power in an extremely bad economic condition. Fortunately, however, the Kim Dae Jung government was able to enjoy a relatively high level of state autonomy resulting from an exceptional situation of foreign currency crisis. In addition, it was more reformist in policy orientation and had a more open cooperative network with civil society. All these differences added up to produce remarkable differences with regard to the improvement in welfare development. Especially, it is noted that the Kim Dae Jung government was very successful in several respects: provision of national minimum, integration of national medical insurance, development of productive welfare system, and final1y increase in welfare spending. Recently, criticisms from the opposition party, the press, and middle and upper class people mount against the Kim Dae Jung government which has made significant mistakes in instituting the separation of medical and pharmaceutical businesses. However, the important improvements in welfare institutions and programs by the Kim Dae Jung government need to be maintained to deal with all the negative effects of a naked market economy. They must also be sustained to keep alive democracy that Korean people have fought for nearly half a century.

• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.301-316
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• 2020

Algorithm journalism refers to the practices of automated news generation using algorithms that generate human sounding narratives. Algorithm journalism is known to have strengths in automating repetitive tasks through rapid and accurate analysis of data, and has been actively used in news domains such as sports and finance. In this paper, we propose an interactive card news system that generates personalized local election articles in 2018. The system consists of modules that collects and analyzes election data, generates texts and images, and allows users to specify their interests in the local elections. When a user selects interested regions, election types, candidate names, and political parties, the system generates card news according to their interest. In the study, we examined how personalized card news are evaluated in comparison with text and card news articles by human journalists, and derived implications on the potential use of algorithm in reporting political events.

• Survey Research
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2003

Telephone surveys miss, among other people, those who live in homes without telephones, people who are away from home at the time of interview and people who refuse to be interviewed. Recently, mobile phone survey has emerged as “A replacement technology” to the old telephone survey method. Mobile survey enables us to do many things we could not do or could not afford to do before, and reatly enhance the efficiency if the opinion surveys. Very specifically, the mobile survey enables us to control respondent's accessability, interviewer bias and to do incredibly fast and at a affordable costs. The authors analyze the results of mobile-phone local election polls and ELSI bio-technology attitude survey. The authors describe their results, the methods they used, including the use of demographic and propensity weighting to correct for substantial biases in the raw, unweighted data. The results show that mobile survey can predict the election outcomes with approximately equal accuracy to that of the telephone poll after weighting. This paper also cautions readers not to assume that mobile survey can be used with equal success in other elections and emphasizes the need for continuing research to improve mobile survey methods in the future.

• Survey Research
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.141-152
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• 2011

During major elections, three terrestrial broadcasting stations in Korea have covered the progresses of election results by announcing the simple sum of ballot counts of all ballot counting stations. The current approach, however, does not properly reflect the actual ballot count differences by ballot counting location, leading to cause unnecessary but possible confusions. In addition, the current coverage approach restricts the broadcasters from using regional poll data gained through exit polls by letting them to use the significant information on a one-off purpose to announce the initial prediction of the poll results and to fully disregard the exit poll results during the ballot counting process. Based on the understanding, this paper is designed to suggest a Bayesian approach to consolidate the exit poll results with the progressive ballot counting results and announce them as such. The suggested consolidation approach is expected to mitigate or avoid the possible confusions that may arise in connection with the different ballot counting paces by ballot counting station.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.75-99
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• 2010

This paper aims to examine the causes and features of current generational conflicts in Korea and to discuss their implications. The data utilized in the study include collective data on presidential and general elections and secondary data obtained from empirical research. The findings are as follows. First, generational power conflicts express itself by struggles among generations concerning the timing of political power transfer. An average age of assemblymen decreases consistently regardless of changes in overriding ideological atmosphere in general - conservative vs. liberal. Second, ideological conflicts among generations were highly intensified around 2002 presidential election, but gradually moderated since 2004 general election. The conflicts might be re-intensified if a set of conditions were satisfied. Third, cultural conflicts between older and younger generations were contrasted around three cultual axes: economic growth with top priority vs. consumerism, collectivism vs. individualism, and authoritarianism vs. post-authoritarianism. To ease strained relations between generations, intergenerational programs were suggested.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.