• Korean Journal of Acupuncture
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.210-225
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• 2018

Objective : This research is aimed to compare the three sets of Dongin(K-1, K-2, K-3) to Chosun and Chinese acupuncture bronze men, and through literature review of acupuncture points and meridians to see how acupuncture of Chosun affected the Japan's acupuncture bronze men. Methods : Using 3D scanning, we compared the location of acupoints by the proportional bone measurement method of the three sets of Dongin to those of Chosun and China. We also compared the meridians and acupuncture points of the three sets of Dongin to Doningyosodo. Results : Dongin K-1 and K-2 have all the unique characteristics of ChimGuemDongIn. Their heads were made about 30% larger than the location of points by the proportional bone measurement method and their necks were shortened to get the right proportion. Their gender was not specified. Their hands were sticking forward, and knees were slightly bent, and the arms and legs were carefully crafted to record acupuncture points. Dongin K-1 and K-2 marked the meridians and acupuncture points according to Doningyosodo. In particular, BL39 in Dongin K-1 and K-2 has been marked as in ChimGeumDongIn, which is considered to have come from DongUiBoGam. These characteristics do not exist in Chinese acupuncture bronze men. The location of points by the proportional bone measurement method was marked on the right side of the Dongin K-3, while the eight extra meridians were marked on the left side. Conclusions : In summary, Dongin K-1 and K-2 indicate the Japanese history of acupuncture which may have influenced from Chosun.

• Journal of Forest and Environmental Science
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.167-179
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• 2023

The extent of change in the Land use/Land cover (LULC) of Okomu National Park (ONP) and fringe communities was evaluated. High resolution Landsat imagery was used to identify the major vegetation cover/land use systems and changes around the national park and fringe communities while field visits/ground truthing, involving the collection of coordinates of the locations was carried out to ascertain the various land cover/land use types identified on the images, and the extent of change over three-time series (2000, 2010 and 2020). The change detection was analyzed using area calculation, change detection by nature and normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI). The result of the classification and analysis of the LULC Change of ONP and fringe communities revealed an alarming rate of encroachment into the protected area. All the classification features analyzed had notable changes from 2000-2020. The forest, which was the dominant LULC feature in 2000, covering about 66.19% of the area reduced drastically to 36.12% in 2020. Agricultural land increased from 6.14% in 2000 to 34.06% in 2020 while vegetation (degraded land) increased from 27.18% in 2000 to 38.89% in 2020. The magnitude of the change in ONP and surroundings showed the forest lost -247.136 km² (50.01%) to other land cover classes with annual rate change of 10%, implying that 10% of forest land was lost annually in the area for 20 years. The NDVI classification values of 2020 indicate that the increase in medium (399.62 km² ) and secondary high (210.17 km² ) vegetation classes which drastically reduced the size of the high (38.07 km² ) vegetation class. Consequent disappearance of the high forests of Okomu is inevitable if this trend of exploitation is not checked. It is pertinent to explore other forest management strategies involving community participation.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.48
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• pp.193-222
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• 2017

In this study, I examined the relationship between the pattern of Tungp'o (東坡体)'s characters play, Paza(破字) and Nanji(難字), Iruiimyo(異類異名) the Chinese characters play, developed in the Edo period in Japan. I found out the following. First, Nanji and Iruiimyo's method of Chinese character transformation is like Tungp'o(東坡体)'s characters play and Paza(破字), that is to make an analysis of Chinese character. For example, to extend or shorten to character's length, and to increase or reduce the character's size. And, I also found out there is no block type characters play in Nanji and Iruiimyo. Second, I also found that the similarity of the method of Chinese character transformation between the pattern of Tungp'o(東坡体)'s characters play, Paza(破字) and Nanji(難字), Iruiimyo(異類異名). The method of to flip character (180 degrees) and to letting character lie down (90 degrees) is very similar each other. But there is no method to make incline of character (45 degrees) in Nanji and Iruiimyo. Third, I found that the method to extract part of character also exists in Chinese and Japanese characters play. And, I also found that the method to decompose characters in half from the pattern of Tungp'o(東坡体)'s characters play, but I can't find this method from Nanji and Iruiimyo. To decompose characters in half is very like the method of paja. So, we can understand that Nanji and Iruiimyo is located in the middle stage of the pattern of between Tungp'o(東坡体)'s characters play and Paza(破字).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.167-179
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• 2014

This study fundamentally is to develop standards and foundations for the establishment of traditional Korean gardens and aims to identify the mechanism and subsequent effect of fair gardens in American and Europe on the propagation and diffusion of the traditional Japanese garden. Fair gardens which were constructed between 1867 and 1939 were investigated to understand them and the ripple effect that they had on cultural dissemination. The results were as follows: Culturally, the Meiji government adopted Wagener's advice on the theme of display- including culture and handicraft-and the gardens with traditional buildings were perceived as one unit and then used as promotional tools as part of a national strategy. As a result, the stroll style garden in the Edo period and tea garden were recognized as the representative Japanese garden in America and Europe. Politically, the Japanese garden in the American context was adopted as examples of 'exotic beauty' and 'cultural heritage' which therefore allowed the Japanese government to achieve it's goal of encouraging friendly relations and the lessening of hostility towards them. Throughout the traditional Japanese garden, Japan with it's rich history presented an ideal - uniquely distinctive from the West. Using 'tradition' and 'nature' as keywords, the Japanese government set it's global image as 'perpetual tranquility'. Socioeconomically, the Japanese garden which was maintained after the fair, played a consistent role as a model of the Japanese culture. Many professionals from Japan who prepared the Japanese villages and gardens for the world fairs in America and Europe, remained in these countries following construction and it were these opportunities that allowed the Japanese garden to be integrated into local Western society.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.73-90
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• 2015

This article focuses on geo-institutional differentiation and a multi-scalar analysis of emerging capitalist development in Laos. It discusses the impact of the Greater Mekong Subregion on new institutional economic and economic geographical arrangements. It demonstrates the usefulness of the varieties of Asian capitalism approach. The rubber industry was chosen to unravel emerging but various sub-national institutional arrangements linked to higher scale levels. Rubber is a growing agribusiness industry throughout the country, led by the insatiable demand from China. Overall, this study shows that the capitalist development of the rubber industry features much geo-institutional differentiation, due to the different strategies of Chinese, Thai and Vietnamese investors. Since Laos is still in transition from a state-led economy to something else, it is impossible at this to identify the exact number capitalisms. Yet, the evidence on rubber clearly lays bare the presence of multiple institutional arrangements. Without more inclusiveness, however, the implications for regional development are worrying. Exclusive arrangements will most likely lead to more uneven regional development and higher regional inequality. To refine theories on sub-national varieties of capitalism in developing countries it is instructive to consider more explicitly the notion of regional personal capitalisms and the complex interplay between national and regional states and relationships between capital accumulation and livelihood analyses.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.408-422
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• 2013

This paper builds on recent scholarly endeavours to establish a body of knowledge on Varieties of Asian Capitalism/Asian Business Systems. The forthcoming Oxford handbook of Asian business systems systematically compares institutional capitalist arrangements across Asia including Laos, yet there is no chapter on Cambodia. The objective of this paper is to compare the Lao and Cambodian varieties of Asian capitalism, with special reference to the role of the state and the economic geography of both countries. Accordingly, it seeks answers to the questions as to how territory has become a key arena for re-organising economic power and how the Lao and Cambodian state themselves are being transformed through state capitalism and the Beijing-Seoul-Tokyo Consensus. A comparative analysis reveals a difference between state-coordinated frontier capitalism in Laos versus patrimonial oligarchy in Cambodia. Interdependencies between the market and the state in Laos display the state as active and interventionist. In some provinces the central government leaves decision making to provincial elites contributing to the emergence of other distinctive regional varieties of capitalism. The rising spatially less selective oligarchs in Cambodia focus relatively more on markets, but are certainly not seeking free markets with equal entry opportunities. The findings offer interesting possibilities for further research on the spaces of Asian capitalism, both from an empirical and theoretical perspective. More work should be done to accommodate the role of small and medium enterprises and theories need to better integrate oligarchic, personal and familial capitalism. Finally, comparative corridor studies in Laos could lead to better insights into the nature of regional varieties of capitalism.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.817-831
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• 2014

In this paper insights from studies on the middle income trap and value chains analyses are combined to investigate one particular industry in one particular region: the sugarcane industry in Northeastern Thailand. Focusing on this region enables an in-depth focus on geographical differentiation of the middle income trap. The empirical outcomes demonstrate that policymakers involved with sugar should look at the particular challenges in Northeastern Thailand: 1. The role of brokers which is unaddressed in the current regulatory environment; 2. A lack of information of the regulatory environment among growers; 3. Distrust between growers and millers; 4. Alack of implementation of R&D efforts; 5 .A lack of support from associations; 6. The labor shortage problem, and 7. No incentives for growers, brokers and millers to improve quality and embark on upgrading. Since agricultural value chains in Southeast Asia often start in relatively poor rural areas it is imperative that policymakers balance the interests of upstream, midstream and downstream actors. Unfortunately, this is rather difficult as midstream actors (millers) and wholesalers are powerful and therefore, are in the best position to defend their interests. Our insights could function as comparative material for similar studies within other Southeast Asian upstream value chains.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.28-38
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to clarify what is the unique garden making methods of Enshu Kobori by surveying and analyzing that existing garden of Enshu Kobori is different from the existing Japanese garden that had been built up to such a period. Enshu Kobori breaks away from the conventional frame that was established with the gardens of existing Karesansui style(枯山水樣式) with the materials of rocks and sands. Enshu Kobori is produced to make harmony with the rocks by trimming the Rhododendron indicum and this type of making method of Enshu was originated from the aesthetic principle of kireisabi. Due to this type of cause, the garden of Enshu Kobori displays splendid and yet a simple beauty of gardening. With respect to the establishment of a garden unique to Enshu Kobori as such, it seemed to have the cultural background expanded with the cultural perception and official family class of the edo period where it strived for new things. Therefore, Enshu Kobori was designed as the ornament-oriented garden rather than the garden that requires direct ceremonial act. The subject sites for this study are Raikyuji, Daichiji, Shodenji, Nanzenji Hojo and Konchiin as intended by Enshu Kobori. Contents of the study contemplate the location of garden, factors to introduce the garden, structure of garden, background of garden, use of stones, plants and scenic views to clarify the uniqueness of the Enshu Kobori garden.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.167-206
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• 2014

메콩 경제권(GMS)의 다양한 개발 현장 속에서 고무 나무로부터 채취하는 라텍스는 캄보디아, 라오스를 포함한 인도 차이나 반도 국가들 사이에서 주요 농업 활동으로 주목 받고 있다. 그러나 캄보디아와 라오스의 대형 플랜테이션은 여러 부정적인 결과들을 낳고 있다. 토지 점유, 계약 농업을 통한 착취 등으로 인해 역설적으로 농촌의 빈곤은 증가하고 있고 해외 투자자에 대한 재정적, 기술적 의존이 심화되고 환경 파괴가 일어나고 있다. 이러한 점들로 인해 소규모 자작농들에 주목할 필요가 있다. 고무 자작농은 고용을 창출하며 토지 점유를 방지한다. 본 연구는 캄보디아와 라오스의 소규모 고무 자작농들의 생계를 비교하며 고무 호황으로 어떠한 이득을 얻고 어떠한 형태로 생계를 개선할 수 있는지를 연구한다. 본 연구는 캄보디아의 Tboung Khmum 구역과 Somsanouk 마을의 사례 연구를 바탕으로 하였다. 실증적인 분석은 세 가지의 이론적 틀을 바탕으로 하였다. 미시-생계 연구, 글로벌 가치사슬 그리고 GMS에 대한 연구들이다. 실증 분석의 초점은 생계의 변화상과 결과(고용 창출과 빈곤 탈출)이다. 전체적으로 소규모 고무 자작농은 전망이 밝았으나 앞서 언급 된 문제점들로 인해 농촌 문제를 모두 해결할 수 있는 수단은 아니다. 중요한 유사성은 소규모 고무 자작농의 사회경제적 공헌이다. 연구 지역 두 곳에서 자작농들은 고무 농사는 생계를 개선하는 데에 좋은 수단이라고 답하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 낮은 교육 수준은 그들의 생계 전략을 불안정하게 하고 있다. 양쪽 지역에서 응답자들은 다른 주민을 따라 고무 농사를 시작했다고 대답했으며 경제, 환경적인 위험에 대해 충분히 인지하고 있지 못하였다. 이와 관련한 다른 유사점으로 소규모 자작농들을 지원할 수 있는 정부의 개입이 없었다는 것이다. 자금 조달은 고무 농사의 심각한 애로 사항 중 하나였다. 명확한 차이점으로 Tboung Khmum의 자작농들은 중개 상인에게 계약 관계를 맺지 않고 라텍스를 판매했으며 Somsanouk의 경우에는 고무 가격이 국제 시장의 영향을 받음에도 가장 높은 가격을 제시하는 상인에게 농민 전체가 같이 판매를 하였다. 이러한 현상은 GMS 내에서 이루어지고 있는 근대적인 경제 현상 에 농촌 공동체들이 다양하게 연결 되고 있음을 재확인한다. 게다가 Somsanouk 마을에서는 사이짓기를 하는 경우가 없었다. 이는 투자자들이 생산량을 극대화하기 위해 자작농들에게 사이짓기를 장려하지 않았기 때문이다. Tboung Khmum 마을의 경우 고무와 더불어 고무 이전의 주요 작물이던 카사바를 같이 재배했다. 요약하면, 자작농에 의한 소규모 고무농업은 (비록 농촌의 모든 어려움을 해결할 수는 없지만) 토지점유 등 부정적 현상이 나타나는 대규모 플렌테이션에 비해 유의미한 일자리를 창출하는 등 미래를 위한 보다 나은 대안이 될 수 있다. 농촌 생활의 질을 개선하기 위해서는 7년 간의 고무 생육기간 동안 농가가 감수해야 하는 사회-경제적 불안정성을 해결하고 대안적 소득원을 마련할 필요가 있다

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.