• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.15
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• pp.177-194
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• 1990

Koh(袴) was a type of dress worn on the lower part of the body which was commonly used in the Northeast Asia. It was originally used by the Northern race for the need of nomadism or hunting. The origin of the Koh which appeared in the area would be found from the trousers of the Huns who influenced in the Northeast Asia, and became in the part of the Scythian culture. The Scythians are the nomadizing race inhabited in the Northern Caucasas on the wast of the Black Sea and influenced on the inland Eurasian steppe as the first typical horse-riding race. The objectives of Koh which had been worn in the Scythian, Mongolia, Korea as well as Japan as a part of Dongho dress and ornaments and to contemplate the transmission process by cultural exchange among different races for the period from 4th century to 7th century. 1. The Origination of the Koh The Koh was originated by the environmental factor to protect the cold in the North but also from the heat in the South, and was changed and developed as gradually satisfying to the needs of the times. In the Northeast Asia the Koh was in the class of the Northern Chinese garment, and was used widely by the horse riding Scythians who moved widely from the Eurasian inland to Japan. The oldest original which could reflect the type of the Northern clothes was a pair of trousers discovered in the Huns remains of Noin Ula. This showed the exact form of hunting clothes and had a similar form with the Korean female tro-users. Since the same form of trousers drawn on the wall painting of which was excavated 4-5th century ancient Koguryo(高句麗) tomb was the same form the trousers of Noin Ula seemed to be the original form of Koh in the Northeast Asia. 2. The Chinese Trousers It was the time of the King Mooryung(武靈王) in the Cho(趙) Dynasty B.C. 3th century that the trousers used regularly in China. However, the Koh had been used as undergarment which functioned for the protection of the cold not the horseriding garment. The trousers seemed to be not very obviously shown off since the Poh (袍) was long, but mainly used by the people from lower class. As people learned the adapted the trousers. It was essential for the times of war and quarrel. The king himself started wearing the Koh. The Chinese trousers were influenced by the Huns, the Northern clothes of the Scythian culture, and similar to the Korean clothes. 3. The Korean Trousers Korean was a race bared from the Eastern foreign group. It was obvious that the clothes was Baji-Jeogori(바지 저고리), the garment of the Northern people. This had the same form of the Scythian dress and ornaments which was excavated from the Mongolian Noin Ula. The Scythian dress and ornaments were influenced from the Ancient West Asia Empire and transmitted to the Northeast Koguryu by the horseriding Scythian. The trousers were kept in the traditional style by the common people in Korea were transmitted to Japan which were for behind in cultural aspect, as well as got used to the Chinese as the efficient clothes though active cultural exchange. 4. The Japanese Trousers The ancient Japanese clothes were influenced by the Southern factor but not the form of the Koh. As the Korean people group was moving towards Japan and conquer the Japanese in the 4-5th century, however, North Altaic culture was formed and at the same time the clothes were also developed. The most influenced clothes at this time were those of Baekge(百濟) and the trousers form called Euigon became the main form. Because of the climatic regional factor, it was tied not at the ankle but under the knee. From the view the ancient Japanese clothes disappeard about that time, it could be due to the conquest of the culturally superior race but not the transmission of the culture. In the latest 7th century both the Chinese and Japanese dress forms were present, but the Dongho(東胡) dress and its ornament from Korea was still the basic of the Japanese dress form.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.59-67
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• 2004

As the environment for international logistics varies according to the globalization in world economy, world-class seaports are struggling for the position as strongholds in their own block. As a new government begins its own era in Korea, they are positively implementing their strategies at the level of government for making the Korean Peninsula the logistics centre in North-eastern Asia, marking the most of its geographic advantage. As one of those strategies, it plans to foster a specific area as an international logistics base camp in Northeast Asia by activating its logistics industry through inducing multinational logistics enterprises. In reality, however, in order for Busan seaport, the late-comer, to induce investment from the world-class multinational companies, a considerably large volume of investment should be given from both central and local governments. Accordingly, the objective of this study is to assess its competitiveness and to suggest an activation plan for BSDFA(Busan Seaport Duty-Free Area), based upon the results of on-the-spot interviews in China and Japan. The survey for the respondent's preference by way of Conjoint Analysis indicated that Investment procedures and limitations get the highest 36.2％ preference, so the most critical strategy to be considered for attracting enterprises into DFA(Duty-Free Area) is to solve the problems related to the investment procedures and limitations. The simulation analysis results for market share showed that UAE has the highest preference and BSDFA the lowest preference among the five countries. However, when the levels of investment procedures and limitations and production costare upgraded, the competitiveness of BSDFA was elevated next to that of UAE among the 5 countries. Thus, in order for BSDFA to obtain competitiveness, it is implied that production cost level as well as investment procedures and limitations level, should be lowered so that it could meet companies' demand.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.15-25
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• 2017

The objective of this study is to investigate the value of rock Korean chessboards as a corroborative evidence that go, the play culture naturalized from the past, was also performed under the pavilion of the mountain stream, and the old tree. This study executes analysis on the location and form of rock Korean chessboards, physical environment such as the position of surrounding space, the origin of the nomination, surrounding landscape, and historical significance through the research analysis of comprehensive present conditions, and highlights the position types, landscape significance, and preservation value of the rock Korean chessboards of Korea from diverse angles. The result is as follows. 1. The styles of Korean chess (將棋), which identically propagated in the representative countries of Eastern culture, Korea, China, and Japan, and modified in accordance with each country's idea and native tendency, were organized, and confirmed the Korean Go as a naturalized native culture. 2. Out of 15 rock Korean chessboards confirmed through this study, 9 (60%) were categorized as rock Korean chessboards, and 6 (40%) were categorized as stone Korean chessboards. Also, the average size of the go boards were $51cm{\times}46.6cm$, which demonstrated not much difference with present day universal go boards. The Pearson correlation coefficient between bed rock and go boards were 0.647, demonstrating a relatively high correlation; the research subject of rock go boards have been constructed in consideration of rationality, convenience, and the value of promotion of public welfare. 3. The results of analysis of location patterns of rock Korean chessboard showed that villages (87%), mooring (73%), plains (60%) and mountains (47%). The most frequent location pattern is mooring and village, and these two factors played the most important role in determining the location of the rock Korean chessboard.

• Korean Journal of Plant Taxonomy
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.247-272
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• 2005

The Philadelphus schrenkii complex including P. schrenkii var. schrenkii, P. schrenkii var. jackii, P. schrenkii var. mandshuricus, P. tenuifolius, P. pekinensis, P. seoulensis, P. lasiogynus, and P. scaber, is distributed in China, Korea, japan, and far eastern Russia. Their taxonomic delimitations are obscure because quantitative characters, such as presence/absence and density of hair on leaf, petiole, style, disc, calyx-tube, and pedicel, are highly variable with no apparent characteristics that consistently distinguish from each other within the group. Thus, these morphological characters are reexamined using univariate analyses. P. pekinenesis is distinct from other taxa in having glabrous disk, calyx, pedicel, and leaf blade. In addition, the number of flowers in an inflorescence [(5)7-9(11) vs 5-7 in other taxa], smaller calyx tube [2.5-3 mm vs. (2.5)3-4(5.9) in other taxa], and slightly divided styles help distinguish P. pekinenesis from other related taxa in Korea. However, P. schrenkii var. schrenkii, P. schrenkii var. jackii, P. schrenkii var. mandshuricus, and P. lasiogynus show continuous variation in the pubescence of disk, calyx, pedicel, and leaf blade, and this may reflect a lack of divergence among them. Particular emphases are placed on P. tenuifolius and P. seoulensis, because of the high degree of morphological intergradation with respect to the degree of pubescence in disk, calyx, pedicel, and leaf blade and their inconsistent circumscription across various systematic treatments. P. scaber, distributed in the southern Korea, has often been treated as an independent species having exfoliated branchlets, distinct serrated leaf margin, and recurved styles. However, this current study suggests that P. scaber should be recognized as a form of P. tenuifolius because these distinguishing characters are continuous between P. tenuifolius and P. scaber. In geographical distribution, P. pekinensis is mainly distributed in the southern part of Korea, while P. tenuifoilus and P. schrenkii are commonly found all over the country.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.325-355
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• 2012

This research aims to generalize the thoughts of military science of the intellectuals through the books on military arts and science, which were published in the early Joseon Dynasty. In the early Joseon dynasty, it was in a position to establish the foundation in the new monarch internally, and, at the same time, to overcome foreign powers on both northern and southern borders externally. Thus, the books on military arts and science should have to be published under a premise of such situations. Accordingly, the books on military arts and science of those days took account of political stability having reflected the activities not only as the founder of Joseon but also as the military officer in the late Goryeo along with the books' own purpose to found military arts and sciences. The books on military arts and science that published in the early Joseon Dynasty were written mostly based on Chinese military books and its annotations, except some descriptions of the history of war. However, the intellectuals at that time endeavored to redefine military arts and science from the perspective of Confucianism having evaluated Chinese military science books that were biased to boost Machiavellian tactics. As a result of this, the geographical distinctions between China and Korea were the start of an argument for the military arts and science. There were also disputes over the relationships between the military science and the Yin-Yang School, and between the military science and Confucian school. Organizing our country's own history of war for the first time in the early Joseon Dynasty is worth for putting a high evaluation. However, it cannot help but to point out the limits of the books that there are noticeable descriptions about the factors related to toadyism, and that there are no descriptions about the wars against Japanese raiders. The books on military arts and science in the early Joseon Dynasty put emphasis on the commander's leadership that should be good at both literary and martial arts, as well as the harmony in military-to-military relations. After all, the intellectuals in the early Joseon Dynasty had linked the military arts and science to the sages of Confucian school under a premise that scholarship is to be used in combination with martial arts. And, as the nexus between the two, they noted the items of virtue, such as humaneness and righteousness (仁義); ritual and music (禮樂); loyalty and filial piety (忠孝); three fundamental principles (三綱); five moral disciplines (五倫). It can be said that this point is the typical features of the military arts and science in the early Joseon Dynasty, which cannot be found in Chinese military classics.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.115-145
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• 2014

In this paper, the transition of the status of Chinese novels and the change of the knowledge field in the modern times from the end of 19th century to the early 20th century, the transition period between the tradition and the modern times, have been investigated based on Liang Qichao's assertion of the Revolution of the Novel World. How the traditional novels have been evaluated, how modern novels enlightened a people and changed the political society, and what role novels acted in the change of the knowledge field are investigated. Especially I looked into the accumulations of knowledge and changes inside China which were overlooked in the previous researches which focused on the inflow of the Western culture and its impact on Chinese culture. Firstly the evaluation and classification of the traditional novels are considered. Because the transition of the status of novels and the classification method of the catalog of books are tightly coupled with the change of academic ideologies. Later I tried to understand novels as a way of thinking the modern times with a discussion on the changes of modern knowledge society and the consideration of Liang Qichao's Revolution of the Novel World in the two viewpoints, i.e. the relationship between novels and political society, and novels and the style of writing. Liang Qichao raised novels to the topmost position of literature. He pushed the traditional poetry off the top position and replaced it with popular novels. As the outside impact of Western culture made Chinese novels a tool for enlightening the ignorant people and the medium of propagating the knowledge, the status of novels was elevated to the highest level which novels had never reached in the past. With the limitation that the valuation was not based on the aesthetic appreciation of art but based on the value for politics and society, novel was a discourse of life and death to save the country and a container of knowledge to rebuild the people's mind and convert the crisis of the national ruin.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.319-348
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• 2014

This paper examines the centered on the Ritualized of Royal archery as a national event led to the demonstration of military rites was settled during the early Chosun Dynasty. And aims at considering of traditional of archery a Royal family and high position military people's. It was maintained as an system for both stability of royal family and centralization of government authority. As we know, since ancient times, the performance number of shooting arrows had been reduced in the early Chosun Dynasty. And one more reason is, traditionally Royal family liked shooting archery. For example, King Taejong was very openly shooting archery to inside palace and outside field. He says the archery is a principal element of military persons. Anyhow, to the King Jungjong, many Kings played shooting archery. However, at that time, the Royal archery came from ancient Korea and Kingdom of Koryo. In this historical background, Military rites will be established not just from ancient China. It specially called five manner of rituals. However, the rule of Confucianism to be Government police, archery ritual was declined. It's involved Curriculum of education. And this is related to the who got the new group of government authority. They are young confucianist. From there, the Confucianism manners, were to change of traditional of archery in Early Chosun Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.451-479
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• 2017

The objective of this study is to examine the tasks for listing martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" on the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The conclusions are like below. First, "Muyedobotongji" was published in 1790(14th year of King Jeongjo). The 24 martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" were basically divided into three types like stabbing, chopping & cutting, and hitting. Second, the value of martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" is highly evaluated because it has systematically put together the martial arts of three countries like Korea, China, and Japan of the 18th century, suitable for the actual status of Joseon Dynasty, in the new perspective. The value of "Muyedobotongji" as a Memory of the World is the martial arts book emphasizing the practicality, so that everyone including officers and soldiers could easily learn. Third, the procedure of registering martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" in the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity has three stages including preparation/submission, screening, and decision, which takes two years. Especially, the screening assistance organization, as an organization under the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention Intergovernmental Committee is composed of total six countries(one for each area) out of 24 member countries. Fourth, the tasks for listing martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" in the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity are like following. (1) It would be necessary to conduct a total inspection of the collection of "Muyedobotongji". (2) It would be necessary to designate the martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" as the municipal/provincial/national intangible cultural heritage. (3) It would be needed to standardize the practical martial arts technique/movement of "Muyedobotongji". (4) The historical evidence of martial arts costumes/weapons of "Muyedobotongji" should be studied. (5) A committee for the registration of martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" in the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity should be organized. (6) There should be a close cooperation system between relevant departments like the World Heritage Team of Cultural Heritage Administration and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (7) Domestic/foreign data related to martial arts of "Muyedobotongji" should be comprehensively collected to meet the registration standard of UNESCO. (8) The registration type of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity should be prepared.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.563-592
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• 2017

This paper is to examine philosophy of Jurye(周禮, national rituals) described on GyeongJeMunGam and GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip. As it is widely known, Sambong Jeong Do-Jeon (三峯 鄭道傳), regardless of evaluation by posterity, is definitely a figure who established 500 years of Joseon with almost everything handled by his own hands from presenting founding principle of Joseon to organizing the bureaucratic system. In the third year of King Taejo (1394) with Jurye as an ideological model for social innovation, Jeong Do-Jeon wrote Joseongyeonggukjeon and offered it to the king. Joseongyeonggukjeon is a sort of guide for new codes written by Jeong Do-Jeon as a part of defining culture and institutions of the new dynasty, which is based on Confucianism, the ruling idea of the new dynasty. GyeongJeMunGam supplements the section ChiJeon(治典: Articles for Governing) of JoSeonGyeongGukJeon(the first constitution of Joseon Dynasty) mainly to specify the duties and jobs of the prime minister; and also the duties and jobs of the highest secretaries of the kings, and provincial and county governors, whereas GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip consists of the section GunDo specifying the duties and jobs of the kings and the section Euiron additionally explaining about the kings' duties and jobs in the viewpoint of the philosophy of the Book of Change. That is, GyeongJeMunGam finely describes not only the changes, advantages and disadvantages of prime minister system of every dynasty of China and Korea but also the prime minister's duties/jobs and attitude for kings; and it also specifies the duties and jobs of the kings' highest secretaries, guards, provincial and county governors; on the other hand, GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip says that the king should play the symbolic figure setting their mind in right ways and train themselves with virtue through the idea of GunJuSuShin (君主修身: ) to point out a good and capable prime minister and make him govern the country without using their power fully.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.7-35
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• 2010

Jang Hyungang(張顯光, 1554~1570) was one of the very famous Neo-Confucianists of T'oegye School in the Chosun dynasty. Jang, nevertheless, refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory called li-qi-gyeong-wi-seol(理氣經緯說). So the theory was very unique in the history of Korean Neo-Confucianism. He matained that Tao(道), meaning the universal process which all beings including the human must follow, is accomplished by the unity of li(理, principle) and qi(ch'i, 氣, material force). He compared li and qi to warp(經) and woof(緯). According to his explanation, Tao is fulfilled by combining li and qi, as a textile is woven the combination of warps and woofs. He could, for I know, succeed to emphasize the unity of li and qii through this theory. Lots of Scholars in the Chosun dynasty criticized Jang's theory of li and qi for regarding li and qi as one, and thought that the theory originated from Luo Ch'inshun(羅欽順, 1465~1547), a famous Neo-Confucianist of in Early Ming China. Luo Ch'inshun maintained li-qi metaphysical monism that li and qi is united entity. In this respect, it seems that Jang's theory is similar to Luo's. However, I think that there are very important differences between the two. It is true that the main characteristics of Jang's theory is the unified relations between li and qi in this world. In the system of his philosophy, nevertheless, the topological position of li and qi are different in grade each other. Jang insisted that li is a supreme being to be materialized and realized through the movement of qi'in the process of universal development. Qi is accordingly only a kind of matter which completes li. In this sense, Jang's theory can be regarded as li metaphysical monism that li is the only substance. It means that Jang Hyeongwang's theory is a great contrast to Luo Ch'inshun's li-qi metaphysical monism.