• Title/Summary/Keyword: East Asian Politics

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Network Analysis of East Asian Research in South Korea for the 2004-2013 Period

  • Park, Ji-Young;Park, Han Woo
    • International Journal of Contents
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    • v.11 no.1
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    • pp.52-61
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    • 2015
  • In the past decade, East Asian Research has received attention from researchers as well as in South Korea society-at-large. The broad category of East Asian Research includes various disciplinary fields, such as "history, economics, and politics; however, few studies have used quantitative analysis to explore its development. In this paper, we used network analysis to identify the disciplines and active research areas, focusing on productivity, collaboration patterns, and citation networks of East Asian Research in South Korea. For this study, 6,646 journal publications related with East Asian Research and indexed by KCI (Korean Citation Index) during the 10-year period of 2004-2013 were considered. Results show that East Asian Research was led during this period by sole-researchers, rather than interdisciplinary studies. Moreover, a co-institution network represents active institutions with a high degree and collaborative centrality. In terms of journal-journal citation networks, journals belonging to both "history" and "Korean literature" disciplines were dominant.

Japan and Asian Values: A Challenge for Japan's East Asian Policy in theNew Century

  • Furuoka, Fumitaka;Yee, Beatrice Lim Fui;Mahmud, Roslinah
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.5 no.1
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    • pp.1-8
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    • 2006
  • Since its defeat in the Second World War, Japan has been fostering good ties with Western countries, especially the United States. However, some East Asian leaders emboldened by their countries' economic success have proclaimed that the future belongs to Asia and have put forward the "Asian values" argument. It is interesting to note that some elements of the "Asian values" argument resemble ultranationalist discourse that was dominant in Japan before the war. The Japanese Government had a great opportunity to reappraise its role in international politics and take stock of its economic and diplomatic relations with East Asian countries after the end of the Cold War. To meet future challenges, Japan should fully overcome anti-Western sentiment and participate in establishing a truly democratic East Asian regionalism based on the "universal values" of human rights, democracy and freedom. This may prove to be one of the biggest challenges for Japan's East Asia policy in the new century.

East Asian International Relations and Korean Peninsula (东亚国际形势与朝鲜半岛)

  • Zheng, Jiyong
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.31-43
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    • 2017
  • The situation in Korean peninsula, globally and regionally, which followed the global huge uncertainty, changed a lot. Because of the political crisis, ROK falls into a chaos. And DPRK goes into a policy changing period by the internal issues, international sanctions and assassination accident in Malaysia, which is confirmed to be DPRK's Supreme leader, Kim Jong Un's half brother. Under this changing circumstances, the perspectives of regarding China and the Korean peninsula, must be undated accordingly. Only by understanding the Sino-US relations, the DPRK nuclear issue and the regional dilemmas can we formulate reasonable policies to contribute to the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula.

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Gendered Politics of Memory and Power: Making Sense of Japan's Peace Constitution and the Comfort Women in East Asian International Relations (記憶とパワーのジェンダーポリティックス: 東アジアの国際関係において日本の平和憲法と慰安部問題の意味づけ)

  • Kim, Taeju;Lee, Hongchun
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.4 no.2
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    • pp.163-202
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    • 2020
  • This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

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International Environmental Security and limitations of North-East Asian Countries (국제 환경안보와 동북아 국가들의 한계)

  • Choi Byung-Doo
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.39 no.6 s.105
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    • pp.933-954
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    • 2004
  • This paper considers critically the conceptual development of international environmental security, and to explore some limitations which seem to have made difficult the construction of regional environmental governance among North-East Asian countries. The recently emerging concept of environmental security has turned the traditional or realistic meaning of security to the neo-liberal and the political-economic one. On the basis of a reconsideration of these newly developed meanings of security, this paper has reviewed critically some work which have focused on the concepts of environmental regime and of environmental governance. To formulate a true environmental governance, it is suggested that we need a theoretical analysis on the economic and political contexts and a practical development of civil society. From this point of view, the economic structure of labour division, the political tension and military opposition in the region, and the immaturity and exclusiveness of civil consciousness can be pointed out as some limitations of environmental security to be constructed in the North-East Asian region. A true environmental security in this region requires formation of reciprocal economic relationship, development of regional institutions for political trust among countries, and improvement of interaction between non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

Small Business Innovation Research Program in the United States: A Political Review and Implications for East Asian Countries

  • Ryu, Youngbok
    • STI Policy Review
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.54-86
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    • 2015
  • The study examines the U.S. Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) program, with a focus on the recent Reauthorization, and compares, in the political context, the U.S. and East Asian countries-Japan, Korea and Taiwan-that adopted the U.S. SBIR program. For the systematic analysis and cross-country comparison, the study employs Kingdon (2003)'s framework-his political theory and Garbage Can Model-to identify political participants and processes underlying the SBIR Reauthorization and to analyze the differences in problem, policy, and politics streams between the U.S. and East Asian countries. For the cross-country comparison, specifically, the study uses various data sources such as OECD, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, Hofstede's Cultural Dimensions, and World Value Survey. Based on the analysis outcomes, implications of U.S. practices on East Asian countries are extracted as follows. East Asian countries tend to: Have higher entrepreneurial aspiration while lower entrepreneurial activity and attitude than the U.S.; bear higher long term orientation and uncertainty avoidance while lower individualism than the U.S.; and have greater expectations of technology development and higher confidence in political parties while participating less in political action than the U.S. Drawing on the differences, the following policy recommendations are suggested. East Asian countries should: Improve entrepreneurs' access to resources (in particular, financial resource) in order to link their high entrepreneurial aspiration to actual entrepreneurial activities; cultivate failure-tolerating culture and risk-taking entrepreneurs, for instance, by providing a second chance to SBIR-participating businesses that failed to materialize their innovative ideas; and leverage their high expectations of new technology in order to take bold actions regarding their SBIR programs, and update the programs by drawing out constructive dialogues between SBIR stakeholders.

동북아 시민사회의 사상적 토대로서의 동양사상의 세계주의적 지향

  • Kim, Hyeon-Ju
    • 중국학논총
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    • no.71
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    • pp.131-149
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    • 2021
  • The Oriental thought does not stay in self, society, or state, but goes further to expand its bounds as "Chunha(the World, 天下)", which is not just the spacious expansion but the moral expansion. It provides a clue to overcome the limitations of the Western international political thought resulting in nationalistic tendencies. Such a cosmopolitcan orientation in the East can be found in the concepts of "Wangdo(Just Way, 王道)", "Yinjung(Benevolent politics, 仁政)", which make Hua(harmony, 和) its essential characteristics. If the East Asian community is formed, it should be based on universal principles that all East Asian citizens can sympathize with from below, not in a one-sided and coercive way. In this regard, the formation of "Sahaeyilga(四海一家, We are the world)", the "Chunha天下" based on the philosophy of the peace seeking 'similarity' in 'difference', can provide philosophical clues to resolve the conflicts and contradictions of the current isolationalist and confrontational international situation.

Urban Impermanence on the Southern Malay Peninsula: The Case of Batu Sawar Johor (1587-c.1615)

  • Borschberg, Peter
    • Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.57-82
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    • 2021
  • This article examines the urban example of Batu Sawar which served as the capital of the Johor kingdom between 1587 and circa 1615. Around the middle of the eighteenth-century European reference works continued to describe Batu Sawar as the capital of Johor, even though the city had long ceased to serve as a trading center, let alone as Johor's capital, and probably no longer existed. Such observations raise the question of urban impermanence-the transience of sizeable settlements with reference to the Malay Archipelago. Two overarching questions form the backbone of the investigation: First, why did Batu Sawar rise as a regional trading center, and second, what are the reasons that contributed to its decline? Batu Sawar's fate was sealed by a combination of factors that included poor defenses, multiple external shocks, destruction by fire, court politics and rivalry between the early colonial powers.

An Essay on High-teen Study: Archaeology of High-teen & Its Primitive Image in the Case of Japan in the Postwar Period (하이틴 연구 시론: 하이틴의 고고학 그리고 원시적 이미지에 대하여 -전후 초기 일본의 경우)

  • Yoon, Jae-Min
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.26 no.1
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    • pp.211-240
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    • 2020
  • This essay examines the questions that existing high-teen related studies are missing: "What is high-teen?". It is a foreign language originated from Japanese, spoken only in Japan and Korea among the post-war pan East Asian pop culture scenes. High-teen is based on the 'teenager' formed in the United States. It should be understood not just as a subcategory of popular culture but as an important ideological allegory of post-war Japanese politics. To learn this concept, this essay archeologically researches the origin of high-teen's meaning and analyses the political meaning of the early high-teen contents of Ueda Hirao which related to postwar politics and ideology in Japan. Existing research regarding high-teen tends to be limited to the peripheral and fragmentary areas. On the other hand, this paper will be the beginning of a discussion on high-teen in a more expanding perspective as an East Asian postwar history.

The Life and Activities of East Asian medicine doctor Shin Kwang-ryul after liberation (해방 이후 한의사 신광렬의 생애와 활동)

  • LEE Kye-hyung
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.36 no.2
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    • pp.1-12
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    • 2023
  • Immediately after liberation, Shin Kwang-ryul served as the director of the Shinbukcheong People's General Hospital, and defected to South Korea alone in December 1945 with hostility to the Soviet military government. Later, he joined the political operation team (政治工作隊) and was dispatched to the Sinbuk Office as a member of Hamgyeong-do's committee. However, after this was revealed, his wife was taken to the security and tortured to death. Later, when he learned about this, he left a Wolnam Yuseo (越南遺書) and decided to commit suicide. He left politics and started a new family while running a pharmacy. In 1950, he fled Dangjin, Chungnam, during the Korean War and opened an East Asian medical clinic. In 1955, he passed the Korean Medical Examination and opened Cheongpa Oriental Medicine Clinic in Asan, Chungcheongnam-do. In 1969, he ran an East Asian medical clinic in Dohwa-dong, Mapo, Seoul, and moved to Hongeun-dong in 1972 to open Hamnam Oriental Clinic. At this time he wrote a Cheongpa Pharmacy Summary (靑坡驗方要訣). In his later years, he treated poor patients for free, and he continued to work even though he was unwell due to a broken spine. He died in 1980 leaving behind a "proud mind".