• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.13-30
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• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.48
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• pp.141-179
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• 2016

In May 2011, the 1980 Archives for the May 18th Democratic Uprising or the "5 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement" were registered as a UNESCO Memory of the World. This historic moment told the world that the 5 18 movement is a valuable and historical asset. However, despite the international recognition, archives that deny of such facts are still rampant because of misdirected standings and prejudices. These sources even develop discourses by distorting the archives to justify their claims. Accordingly, the study aimed to identify how these sources form ideologies surrounding the 5 18 movement discourses, which are characteristic of extreme social standings. It explored the possibility of the distortion of archives presented for each discourse and reconsidered the archivists' positions and roles to cope with such possibility. In addition, the author aims to suggest a more systemic strategy to advance the existing responses against the distortions, as well as provide discourses that are based on true and accurate archives mainly to students who have not yet been introduced to such distorted discourses. In the future, archivists shall try to develop positive awareness about the 5 18 discourses rather than maintain passive positions that provide information from limited archives. Through this, it is expected that this study will advance future analyses that would be effective against the distortion of archives.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.601-623
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• 2014

This paper is to analyze critically policy and discourse of creative economy and creative city. Applying the concept of 'policy transfer' or 'policy mobility', It points out that it may be inevitable for a certain policy or discourse developed in Western society to change its contents and characteristics in its international diffusing process. And then, this paper describes political contexts and process in which the policy and discourse of creative city of a former mayor of Seoul, Oh, Se-Hoon, during the late part of the 2000s, and those of creative economy of the current president, Park, Geun-Hye, have been suggested and pursued, arguing that those policies and discourses, having been distorted and lack of concrete contents, have functioned as a key ruling tool or political rhetoric. In particular, this paper concludes that the policy and discourse of creative economy of the current government would have little positive effect due to excluding intentionally policy of economic democracy and ignoring unintentionally policy of creative city, which seem to have an inherent relationship with that of creative economy.

• Archives of design research
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.353-364
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• 2004

In this thesis, I will look into how contemporary Korean Design has changed and been alienated from tradition as well as distorted history (chapter 2, 3); point out what the problem is in finding out the cultural identity of the field of design(chapter 4); and finally, I will present a new starting point for independent discussion regarding the direction of Korean design (chapter 5). The purpose of this thesis is to present an opportunity to reconsider the numerous irrationalities caused by an industrial view of design as an outdated paradigm and a cultural identity distorted by the leading policies of the contemporary political authority. In addition, by proposing a new direction to the following discussion on Korean design, it is my desire to examine a realistic plan for cultural discourse which is essential for Korean design in an information-oriented age.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.29-61
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• 2017

Said's Orientalism criticized the European representations on the Middle-East by theorizing orientalism as a discourse. In this text, he explored and criticized the colonial forms of knowledge and language that distorted the image of the colonized. The justification of the discourse of orientalism is derived from the binary system that is originated from Plato which Derrida rejects on the ground that it always privileges one term over the other, that is, colonizer over colonized. Derrida names for this traditional heritage of Western binary system logocentrism which regards logos(the Greek term for speech or reason) as the central principle of language and philosophy, whereas mythos derives its meaning from the logos on the basis of binary oppositions. Thus according to logocentrism, the colonized is merely the defined who can have its meaning from the definers, colonizers. In this paper, utilizing Derrida's a (non)concept called supplement which means both to add on as a surplus and to make up something missing as a mere extra, I propose another alternative interpretation towards the critique of colonial representation by raising internal contradictions in the Platonic dichotomy between logos and mythos embedded in western colonialism discourse, orientalism. I attempt to show that logos(colonizer) and mythos(colonized) is inseparable in itself due to the fact that they exist as supplementary. For this purpose, I demonstrate how colonial binary system constituted and was constituted in terms of language. Through this paper I reinterpret the colonial rationality of privileging 'logos' over 'mythos' by substituting the colonial binary system with the supplement.

• Journal of Multimedia Information System
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.43-50
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• 2022

As the discourse on Anthropocene grows, this exploratory research investigates the interrelationship and interconnectivity between humanity and technology by analyzing a sound art installation created by the author. Crying Sea is a sound installation that uses plastic wastes collected from the shore to create symbolic narratives and artistic experience connecting humans, objects, and nature through interactive digital technology. In this installation, the audiences are guided to walk over the wastes, and the sounds created by the footsteps are recorded in real-time, which then are distorted and amplified into disturbing sounds through speakers filling up the room. In analyzing this artwork, three theories from technological, philosophical, and ecological backgrounds were used; specifically, Bernard Stiegler's pharmakon theory, Dona Haraway's cyborg manifesto, and Timothy Morton's dark ecology theory. A common factor revealed from all three theories by analyzing the Crying Sea is that humans, technologies, and all other entities within nature are interconnected and resonated. The awareness of this recursive relationship allows us to consider sustainable balancing.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.609-623
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• 2017

This study intends to find the meaning of signs' configuration in Korean and British school uniform advertisements, to investigate through reproduction of such signs what influences on students' identity issues are, and to discover the cultural significance of the both nations by analysing sexuality discourses around these ads. The authors apply semiotic analysis methods such as two-stage meaning structure and critical discourse analysis. The research subjects are School uniform advertisements of both in South Korea and in the UK. Through this study, women objectification, the power imbalances between men and women, and child erotica were revealed, and also the uniforms of the meaning and value turned out to be distorted. In addition, on the basis of critical discourse analysis, two nations' school uniform ads, which heavily focused on sexual objectification and commercialism, transformed aspects of unusual esthetic value, reminded of Lolita fantasy, implied wrong justification of deviant sexual orientation, and, caused Korean and British students the confusion of sexual identity and values.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.187-226
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• 2017

North Korea discourse is doubtful. A considerable portion is distorted under political objectives, group identity, and interests. Surely, there are facts based on North Korea's conducts. Apparent deceptions commonly exist as well though. Korean media does not endeavor to set the records straight and there are no revision towards mislead information. This is substantially dangerous as it can misjudge North Korean policies, beget national antipathy, and interferes with rational and constructive policy making. This study stems from such concerns and takes such cases as HEU(Highly Enriched Uranium) suspicion of 2002, dispute covering BDA(Banco Delta Asia)'s counterfeiting, and the abandonment of the Geneva Agreed Framework into consideration. The first part concentrates on fathoming the truth of the three cases. References from US government, academia, think tanks, media were inquired with an addition of secondary material from Korea and China. Secondly it examines whether domestic news properly reflects the precedent facts along the process of discovery. The cause and solution suggested by domestic media were organized and inductively reconstituted to frames. The last study questions the structural factors that reproduces suspicion analogs. Today's dangers facing Korean society are essentially not natural but artificial. This research hopes to foster peace by analyzing related discourses that are infamous to reinterpret reality.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.251-258
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• 2020

This study aims to address the current situation and damage from sexual violence, to arouse public opinion, help broader awareness, and further lead to community social efforts to cope actively with the situation. In Korean society, discourse on sex is often conducted in a double structure. Sexual violence is not just a personal misfortune; it is a problem for women as a whole. Furthermore, it is a challenge that society needs to address. Therefore, the government should evolve its response to sexual violence into a collective, not individual, movement of men and women toward social and cultural movements together. Although the visible reality of sexual violence is important, damaging their mental health by passing on a distorted cultural environment to future generations should be seen as a type of historical crime.