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Computed Tomography-guided Localization with a Hook-wire Followed by Video-assisted Thoracic Surgery for Small Intrapulmonary and Ground Glass Opacity Lesions (폐실질 내에 위치한 소결질 및 간유리 병변에서 흉부컴퓨터단층촬영 유도하에 Hook Wire를 이용한 위치 선정 후 시행한 흉강경 폐절제술의 유용성)

  • Kang, Pil-Je;Kim, Yong-Hee;Park, Seung-Il;Kim, Dong-Kwan;Song, Jae-Woo;Do, Kyoung-Hyun
    • Journal of Chest Surgery
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    • v.42 no.5
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    • pp.624-629
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    • 2009
  • Background: Making the histologic diagnosis of small pulmonary nodules and ground glass opacity (GGO) lesions is difficult. CT-guided percutaneous needle biopsies often fail to provide enough specimen for making the diagnosis. Video-assisted thoracoscopic surgery (VATS) can be inefficient for treating non-palpable lesions. Preoperative localization of small intrapulmonary lesions provides a more obvious target to facilitate performing intraoperative. resection. We evaluated the efficacy of CT-guided localization with using a hook wire and this was followed by VATS for making the histologic diagnosis of small intrapulmonary nodules and GGO lesions. Material and Method: Eighteen patients (13 males) were included in this study from August 2005 to March 2008. 18 intrapulmonary lesions underwent preoperative localization by using a CT-guided a hook wire system prior to performing VATS resection for intrapulmonary lesions and GGO lesions. The clinical data such as the accuracy of localization, the rate of conversion-to-thoracotomy, the operation time, the postoperative complications and the histology of the pulmonary lesion were retrospectively collected. Result: Eighteen VATS resections were performed in 18 patients. Preoperative CT-guided localization with a hook-wire was successful in all the patients. Dislodgement of a hook wire was observed in one case. There was no conversion to thoracotomy, The median diameter of lesions was 8 mm (range: $3{\sim}15\;mm$). The median depth of the lesions from the pleural surfaces was 5.5 mm (range: $1{\sim}30\;mm$). The median interval between preoperative CT-guided with a hook-wire and VATS was 34.5 min (range: ($10{\sim}226$ min). The median operative time was 43.5.min (range: $26{\sim}83$ min). In two patients, clinically insignificant pneumothorax developed after CT-guided localization with a hook-wire and there were no other complications. Histological examinations confirmed 8 primary lung cancers, 3 cases of metastases, 3 cases of inflammation, 2 intrapulmonary lymph nodes and 2 other benign lesions. Conclusion: CT-guided localization with a hook-wire followed by VATS for treating small intrapulmonary nodules and GGO lesions provided a low conversion thoracotomy rate, a short operation time and few localization-related or postoperative complications. This procedure was efficient to confirm intrapulmonary lesions and GGO lesions.

F-18 FDG PET Scan findings in Patients with Pulmonary Involvement in the Hypereosinophilic Syndrome (원발성 과호산구증가 증후군 환자들 중 폐침범을 보이는 환자군의 F-18 FDG PET 소견)

  • Lee, Jae-Hoon;Kim, Tae-Hoon;Yun, Mi-Jin;Hur, Jin;Kim, Tae-Sung;Kim, Sang-Jin;Kim, Hyung-Joong;Pai, Moon-Sun;Ryu, Young-Hoon;Lee, Jong-Doo
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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    • v.39 no.4
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    • pp.239-245
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    • 2005
  • Purpose: Hypereosinophilic syndrome (HES) is an infiltrative disease of eosinophils affecting multiple organs including the iung. F-18 2-fluoro-2-deoxyglucose (F-18 FDG) may accumulate at sites of inflammation or injection, making interpretation of whole body PET scan difficult in patients with cancer. This study was to evaluate the PET findings of HES with lung involvement and to find out differential PET features between lung malignancy and HES with lung involvement. Material and Methods: F-18 FDG PET and low dose chest CT scan was performed for screening of lung cancer. light patients who showed ground-glass attenuation (GGA) and consolidation on chest CT scan with peripheral blood eosinophilia werr included in this study. The patients with history of parasite infection, allergy and collagen vascular disease were excluded. CT features and FDG PET findings were meticulously evaluated for the distribution of GGA and consolidation and nodules on CT scan and mean and maximal SUV of abnormalities depicted on F-18 FDG PET scan. In eight patients, follow-up chest CT scan and FDG PET scan were done one or two weeks after initial study. Results: F-18 FDG PET scan identified metabolically active lesions in seven out of eight patients. Maximal SUV was ranged from 2.8 to 10.6 and mean SUV was ranged from 2.2 to 7.2. Remaining one patient had maximal SUV of 1.3. On follow-up FDG PET scan taken on from one to four weeks later showed decreased degree of initially noted FDG uptakes or migration of previously noted abnormal FDG uptakes. Conclusions: Lung involvement in the HES might be identified as abnormal uptake foci on FDG PET scan mimicking lung cancer. Follow-up FDG PET and CT scan for the identification of migration or resolution of abnormalities and decrement of SUV would be of help for the differentiation between lung cancer and HES with lung involvement.

A Study on Preparation of 3'-$[^{18}F]$Fluoro-3'-deoxythymidine and Its Biodistribution in 9L Glioma Bearing Rats (3'-$[^{18}F]$Fluoro-3'-deoxythymidine의 합성과 9L glioma 세포를 이식한 래트에서의 체내동태에 관한 연구)

  • Shim, Ah-Young;Moon, Byung-Seok;Lee, Tae-Sup;Lee, Kyo-Chul;An, Gwang-Il;Yang, Seung-Dae;Yu, Kook-Hyun;Cheon, Gi-Jeong;Choi, Chang-Woon;Lim, Sang-Moo;Chun, Kwon-Soo
    • Nuclear Medicine and Molecular Imaging
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    • v.40 no.5
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    • pp.263-270
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    • 2006
  • Purpose: Several radioisotope-labeled thymidine derivatives such as $[^{11}C]$thymidine was developed to demonstrate cell proliferation in tumor. But it is difficult to track metabolism with $[^{11}C]$thymidine due to rapid in vivo degradation and its short physical half-life. 3'-$[^{18}F]$fluoro-3'-deoxythymidine ($[^{18}F]$FLT) was reported to have the longer half life of fluorine-18 and the lack of metabolic degradation in vivo. Here, we described the synthesis of the 3'-$[^{18}F]$fluoro-3'-deoxythymidine ($[^{18}F]$FLT) and compared with $([^{18}F]FET)\;and\;([^{18}F]FDG)$ in cultured 9L cell and obtained the biodistribution and PET image in 9L tumor hearing rats. Material and Methods: For the synthesis of $[^{18}F]$FLT, 3-N-tert-butoxycarbonyl-(5'-O-(4,4'-dimet hoxytriphenylmethyl)-2'-deoxy-3'-O-(4-nitrobenzenesulfonyl)-${\beta}$-D-threopentofuranosyl)thymine was used as a FLT precursor, on which the tert-butyloxycarbonyl group was introduced to protect N3-position and nitrobenzenesulfonyl group. Radiolabeling of nosyl substitued precursor with $^{18}F$ was performed in acetonitrile at $120^{\circ}C$ and deproteced with 0.5 N HCI. The cell uptake was measured in cultured 9L glioma cell. The biodistribution was evaluated in 9L tumor bearing rats after intravenous injection at 10 min, 30 min, 60 min and 120 min and obtained PET image 60 minutes after injection. Results: The radiochemical yield was about 20-30% and radiochemical purity was more than 95% after HPLC purification. Cellular uptake of $[^{18}F]$FLT was increased as time elapsed. At 120 min post-injection, the ratios of tumor/blood, tumor/muscle and tumor/brain were $1.61{\pm}0.34,\;1.70{\pm}0.30\;and\;9.33{\pm}2.22$, respectively. The 9L tumor was well visualized at 60 min post injection in PET image. Conclusion: The uptake of $[^{18}F]$FLT in tumor was higher than in normal brain and PET image of $[^{18}F]$FLT was acceptable. These results suggest the possibility of $[^{18}F]$FLT at an imaging agent for brain tumor.

The Comparision of Right Anterolateral Thoracotomy and Median Sternotomy in the Atrial Septal Defect Repair. (심방중격결손증 수술에서 우전측부개흉술과 정중흉골절개술의 비교)

  • Kim, Hyuck;Kim, Sang-Heon;Kim, Young-Hak;Chung, Won-Sang;Kang, Jung-Ho;Lee, Chul-Beom;Jee, Heng-Ok;Kim, Nam-Soo;Kim, Kyung-Soo
    • Journal of Chest Surgery
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    • v.36 no.1
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    • pp.1-6
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    • 2003
  • Currently, atrial septal defect repair has been considered low risk operation duo to the development of open heart surgery Not only the operation itself, but also the cosmetic aspect is now focused. Though many methods exist as minimally invasive cardiac surgery in atrial septal defect repair, some surgeons advocate that right anterolateral thoracotomy is better than the others in the cosmetic aspect and we compared right anterolateral thoracotomy with median sternotomy. Material and Method: From January 1999 to August 2002, 43 patient underwent atrial septal defect repair by one operator, including 15 patients through right anterolateral thoracotomy(group A) and 15 patients through median sternotomy(group B) in Hanyang university Hospital. The data were randomized and operation outcomes were analyzed between these two groups. Result: The mean weight of group A was 38.77$\pm$15.57kg and 38.21$\pm$21.82kg in group B. In group A, mean operation (OP) time was 197.6$\pm$61.40min, mean cardiopulmonary bypass(CPB) time was 48.66$\pm$13.02min and mean fibrillation time or aortic cross clamp(ACC) time was 30$\pm$11.64min. In group B, mean OP time was 212.33$\pm$31.95min, mean CPB time was 55$\pm$12.10min, and mean fibrillation or ACC time was 29.33$\pm$9.04min. There was no significant differences in these two groups. In group A, mean mechanical ventilation time was 3.78$\pm$0.78 hours, mean postoperative ICU stay was 1.2$\pm$0.47 days and mean postoperative hospital stay was 10.20 41.08 days. In group B, mean mechanical ventilation time was 5.95$\pm$3.73 hours, mean post operative ICU stay was 1.41$\pm$0.61 days, and mean postoperative hospital stay was 12.20$\pm$3.55 days. There was no any significant difference in two groups. Group A had significantly lower mean thoracic and pleuropericardial drainage than group B (175.33$\pm$90.54cc vs 352.33$\pm$239.43cc, p<0.05). Complication was seen in one case in group B, transient 2nd degree A-V block. Conclusion: Right anterolateral thoracotomy was better than median sternotomy not only in cosmetic aspect but also in postoperative thoracic and pleuropericardial drainage, using the same instrument(p.0.05). But, right anterolateral thoracotomy was more technically difficult due to narrow operative field and we should be careful of aortic cannulation.

A Study on Intelligent Value Chain Network System based on Firms' Information (기업정보 기반 지능형 밸류체인 네트워크 시스템에 관한 연구)

  • Sung, Tae-Eung;Kim, Kang-Hoe;Moon, Young-Su;Lee, Ho-Shin
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.24 no.3
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    • pp.67-88
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    • 2018
  • Until recently, as we recognize the significance of sustainable growth and competitiveness of small-and-medium sized enterprises (SMEs), governmental support for tangible resources such as R&D, manpower, funds, etc. has been mainly provided. However, it is also true that the inefficiency of support systems such as underestimated or redundant support has been raised because there exist conflicting policies in terms of appropriateness, effectiveness and efficiency of business support. From the perspective of the government or a company, we believe that due to limited resources of SMEs technology development and capacity enhancement through collaboration with external sources is the basis for creating competitive advantage for companies, and also emphasize value creation activities for it. This is why value chain network analysis is necessary in order to analyze inter-company deal relationships from a series of value chains and visualize results through establishing knowledge ecosystems at the corporate level. There exist Technology Opportunity Discovery (TOD) system that provides information on relevant products or technology status of companies with patents through retrievals over patent, product, or company name, CRETOP and KISLINE which both allow to view company (financial) information and credit information, but there exists no online system that provides a list of similar (competitive) companies based on the analysis of value chain network or information on potential clients or demanders that can have business deals in future. Therefore, we focus on the "Value Chain Network System (VCNS)", a support partner for planning the corporate business strategy developed and managed by KISTI, and investigate the types of embedded network-based analysis modules, databases (D/Bs) to support them, and how to utilize the system efficiently. Further we explore the function of network visualization in intelligent value chain analysis system which becomes the core information to understand industrial structure ystem and to develop a company's new product development. In order for a company to have the competitive superiority over other companies, it is necessary to identify who are the competitors with patents or products currently being produced, and searching for similar companies or competitors by each type of industry is the key to securing competitiveness in the commercialization of the target company. In addition, transaction information, which becomes business activity between companies, plays an important role in providing information regarding potential customers when both parties enter similar fields together. Identifying a competitor at the enterprise or industry level by using a network map based on such inter-company sales information can be implemented as a core module of value chain analysis. The Value Chain Network System (VCNS) combines the concepts of value chain and industrial structure analysis with corporate information simply collected to date, so that it can grasp not only the market competition situation of individual companies but also the value chain relationship of a specific industry. Especially, it can be useful as an information analysis tool at the corporate level such as identification of industry structure, identification of competitor trends, analysis of competitors, locating suppliers (sellers) and demanders (buyers), industry trends by item, finding promising items, finding new entrants, finding core companies and items by value chain, and recognizing the patents with corresponding companies, etc. In addition, based on the objectivity and reliability of the analysis results from transaction deals information and financial data, it is expected that value chain network system will be utilized for various purposes such as information support for business evaluation, R&D decision support and mid-term or short-term demand forecasting, in particular to more than 15,000 member companies in Korea, employees in R&D service sectors government-funded research institutes and public organizations. In order to strengthen business competitiveness of companies, technology, patent and market information have been provided so far mainly by government agencies and private research-and-development service companies. This service has been presented in frames of patent analysis (mainly for rating, quantitative analysis) or market analysis (for market prediction and demand forecasting based on market reports). However, there was a limitation to solving the lack of information, which is one of the difficulties that firms in Korea often face in the stage of commercialization. In particular, it is much more difficult to obtain information about competitors and potential candidates. In this study, the real-time value chain analysis and visualization service module based on the proposed network map and the data in hands is compared with the expected market share, estimated sales volume, contact information (which implies potential suppliers for raw material / parts, and potential demanders for complete products / modules). In future research, we intend to carry out the in-depth research for further investigating the indices of competitive factors through participation of research subjects and newly developing competitive indices for competitors or substitute items, and to additively promoting with data mining techniques and algorithms for improving the performance of VCNS.

A Morphological Study of Bamboos by Vascular Bundle Sheath (대나무류(類)의 유관속초(維管束鞘)에 의(依)한 형태학적(形態學的) 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, Jai Saing
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.25 no.1
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    • pp.13-47
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    • 1975
  • Among the many species of bamboo, it is well known that the dwarf-type is widely distributed in the tropical regions, and the slender type in temperated zone. In the temperated zone the trees have extensively differentiated into one hundred species in 50 genera. In many oriental countries, the bamboo wood is being used as a material for construction and for the manufacture of technical instruments. The bamboo shoot is also regarded as a good and delicious edible resource. Moreover, recent medical investigation verifies that the sap of certain species of the bamboo is an antibiotic effect against cancer. Fortunately, it is very easy to propagate the bamboo trees by using cutting from southeastern Asian countries. This important resource can further be used as a significant source of pulp, which is becoming increasingly important. The classification system of this significant resource has not been completely established to date, even though its importance has been emphasized. Initiated by Canlevon Linne in the 18th century, a classification method concerning the morphological characteristics of flowers was the first step in developing a classification. But it was not an easy task to accomplish, because this type of classification system is based on the sexual organs in bamboo trees. Because the bamboo has a long life cycle of 60-120 years and classification according to this method was very difficult as the materials for the classification are not abundant and some species have changed, even though many references related to the morphological classification of bamboo trees are available nowadays. So, the certification of bamboo trees according to the morphological classification system is not reasonable for us. Consequently, the classification system of bamboo trees on the basis of endomorphological characteristics was initiated by Chinese-born Liese. And classification method based on the morphological characteristics of the vascular bundle was developed by Grosser. These classification methods are fundamentally related to Holltum's classification method, which stressed the morphology of the ovary. The author investigated to re-establish a new classification method based on the vascular sheath. Twenty-six species in 11 genera which originated from Formosa where used in the study. The results obtained from the investigation were somewhat coordinated with those of Crosser. Many difficulties were found in distinguishing the species of Bambusa and Dendrocalamus. These two species were critically differentiated under the new classification system, which is based on the existence of a separated vascular bundle sheath in the bamboo. According to these results, it is recommended that Babusa divided into two groups by placing it into either subspecies or the lower categories. This recommendation is supported by the observation that the evolutional pattern of the bamboo thunk which is from outward to inward. It is also supported by the viewpoint that the fundamental hypothesis in evolution is from simple to complex. There remained many problems to be solved through more critical examination by comparing the results to those of the classification based on the sexual organs method. The author observed the figure of the cross-sectional area of vascular trunk of bamboo tree and compared the results with those of Grosser and Liese, i.e. A, $B_1$, $B_2$, C, and D groups in classification. Group A and $B_2$ were in accordance with the results of those scholars, while group D showed many differences, Grosser and Liese divided bamboo into "g" type and "h" type according to the vascular bundle type; and they included Dendrocalamus and Bambusa in Group D without considering the type of vascular bundle sheath. However, the results obtained by the author showed that Dendrocalamus and Bambusa are differentiated from each other. By considering another group, "i" identified according to the existence of separated vascular bundle sheath. Bambusa showed to have a separated vascular bundle sheath while Dendrocalamus does not have a separated vascular bundle sheath. Moreover, Bambusa showed peculiar characteristics in the figure of vascular development, i.e., one with an inward vascular bundle sheath and the other with a bivascular bundle sheath (inward and outward). In conclusion, the bamboo species used in this experiment were classified in group D, without any separated vascular bundle sheath, and in group E, with a vascular bundle sheath. Group E was divided into two groups, i.e., and group $E_1$, with bivascular sheath, and group $E_2$, with only an inward vascular sheath. Therefore, the Bambusa in group D as described by Grosser and Liese was included in group E. Dendrocalamus seemed to be the middle group between group $E_l$ and group $E_2$ under this classification system which is summarized as follows: Phyllostachys-type: Group A - Phyllostachys, Chymonobambus, Arundinaria, Pseudosasa, Pleioblastus, Yashania Pome-type: Group $B_2$ - Schizostachyum, Melocanna Hemp-type: Group D - Dendrocalamu Bambu-type: Group $E_1$ - Bambusa ghi.

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Cultural Practices for Reducing Cold Wind Damage of Rice Plant in Eastern Coastal Area of Korea (동해안지대 도작의 냉조풍피해와 피해경감대책)

  • 이승필;김칠용
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.36 no.5
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    • pp.407-428
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    • 1991
  • The eastern coastal area having variability of climate is located within Taebaek mountain range and the east coast of Korea. It is therefore ease to cause the wind damages in paddy field during rice growing season. The wind damages to rice plant in this area were mainly caused by the Fohn wind (dry and hot wind) blowing over the Taebaek mountain range and the cold humid wind from the coast. The dry wind cause such as the white head, broken leaves, cut-leaves, dried leaves, shattering of grain, glume discolouration and lodging, On the other hand the cold humid wind derived from Ootsuku air mass in summer cause such symptom as the poor rice growth, degeneration of rachis brenches and poor ripening. To minimize the wind damages and utilize as a preparatory data for wind injury of rice in future, several experiments such as the selection of wind resistant variety to wind damage, determination of optimum transplanting date, improvement of fertilizer application methods, improvement of soils and effect of wind break net were carried out for 8 years from 1982 to 1989 in the eastern coastal area. The results obtained are summarized as follows. 1. According to available statisical data from Korean meteorological services (1954-1989) it is apperent that cold humid winds frequently cause damage to rice fields from August 10th to September 10th, it is therefore advisable to plan rice cultivation in such a way that the heading date should not be later than August 10th. 2. During the rice production season, two winds cause severe damage to the rice fields in eastern coastal area of Korea. One is the Fohn winds blowing over the Taebaek mountain range and the other is the cold humid wind form the coast. The frequency of occurrence of each wind was 25%. 3. To avoid damage caused by typhoon winds three different varieties of rice were planted at various areas. 4. In the eastern coastal area of Korea, the optimum ripening temperature for rice was about 22.2$^{\circ}C$ and the optimum heading date wad August 10th. The optimum transplanting time for the earily maturity variety was June 10th., medium maturity variety was May 20th and that of late maturity was May 10th by means of growing days degree (GDD) from transplanting date to heading date. 5.38% of this coastal area is sandy loamy soil while 28% is high humus soil. These soil types are very poor for rice cultivation. In this coastal area, the water table is high, the drainage is poor and the water temperature is low. The low water temperature makes it difficult for urea to dissolve, as a result rice growth was delayed, and the rice plant became sterile. But over application of urea resulted in blast disease in rice plants. It is therefore advise that Ammonium sulphate is used in this area instead of urea. 6. The low temperature of the soil inhibits activities of microorganism for phosphorus utilization so the rice plant could not easily absorb the phosphorus in the soil. Therefore phosphorus should be applied in splits from transplanting to panicle initiation rather than based application. 7. Wind damage was severe in the sandy loamy soil as compared to clay soils. With the application of silicate. compost and soil from mointain area. the sand loamy soil was improved for rice grain colour and ripening. 8. The use of wind break nets created a mocro-climate such as increased air. soil and water temperature as well as the reduction of wind velocity by 30%. This hastened rice growth, reduced white head and glume discolouration. improved rice quality and increased yield. 9. Two meter high wind break net was used around the rice experimental fields and the top of it. The material was polyethylene sheets. The optimum spacing was 0.5Cm x 0.5Cm. and that of setting up the wind break net was before panicle initiation. With this set up, the field was avoided off th cold humid wind and the Fohn. The yield in the treatment was 20% higher than the control. 10. After typhoon, paddy field was irrigated deeply and water was sprayed to reduce white head, glume discolouration, so rice yield was increased because of increasing ripening ratio and 1, 000 grain weight.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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