• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.79-91
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• 1998

This study investigated and summarized the history of peasant movement which had been done by various peasant associations Yesan, Hongsong, and Tangjin from the beginning of Korean Catholic Peasant Movement from 1970 to 1995. First of all, we classified all the peasant movements(Yesan ; 120 times, Hongsong; 113 times and Tangjin; 107 times / total; 340 times) into 5 categories composed of movement time, movement type, movement method, the number of participators, and the movement subjects(issues). The frequency of peasant movement from 1990 to 1995, occupied 65.6%, which shows that the peasant movement was the most active during the time. The frequency of movement type, were we could find out, self-dependence type(62.9%), resistance type(15.6%) and request type(21.5%). The active way like congregation, demonstration, sit-in, rice file up struggle occupied 28.8% and it got the first place in movement way. In the movement subject category, the construction of organizations and solidarity activity amounted to 37.8% and democratization item(the union democratization and the social democratization related peasant) covered 16.8%. The 98 times of peasant movement were done in the active ways such as congregation and demonstration. However we cannot find these active ways in 1970s. In 1980s, the frequency of each item (congregation, demonstration, publicity and propaganda) was 28 times. But in 1990s, the frequency of congregation, or demonstration was higher than the others. The number of participators in peasant movement increased during 1980s∼1990s. The movement of which participators were 100∼499 was 32 times in 1980s and 70 times in 1990s each time. Such large scale movement amounted to over 30%. Furthermore, the large scale movement in which over 500 people participated amounted to 12 times in 1990s.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.65-89
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• 2001

We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives opened temporarily at SungKongHoe University(SKHU), have currently collected about 100,000 recorded materials of democratization movement related with labor, farmer, civilian, human rights, peace, unification, young people, student and women's movements by investigating, collecting and receiving donations from civil organizations and individuals, and about 70,000 data out of this 100,000 data were converted into computer files. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp) at SKHU has a significance in that it is the first archive opened by an organization. Furthermore, the opening of this Archive means the expansion of awareness on recording culture and accumulation of the achievements of the democratization movement in Korea. However, many obstacles still remain in the establishment of this Archive in a full-scale. This article examined many theoretical and realistic obstacles posed to the archivists, who are the professionals responsible for record management, in process of establishing the Archive, and the role and future perspectives of the archivists at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp). The first obstacles in the process of organizing and separating the recorded materials at the Archive is a difficulty in the description of classifying the different movement organizations. The second obstacle is a difficulty in specifically applying the international standard, ISAD(G), of record description in the process of establishing the description items. Through many trials and errors, we need to try to confirm the description befitting. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives through continuous adjustment and complementary measures. The third obstacle is a difficulty in estimating the range and physical and quantitative amount of the recorded materials since the collection of recorded materials is complete. Thus, the answers to these problems lie in continuous efforts to establish a creative classification system befitting the democratization movement in Korea in the process of many trials and errors and endeavor. The evaluation classification done by archivists is a creative act forming record heritage, and archivists need to form record heritage reflecting the evaluation system of a certain period. Moreover, they transmit the shape of the current era in a maximum scale to the future by using the minimum amount of records. An archivist is responsible for two tasks, i.e., preserving a record and making other people to utilize the record by working with record. However, We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp), have an additional task of contributing to the democratization movement in korea that has not ended by collecting, preserving and making people to utilize the fragments of memory in the recent history of Korea by establishing the Archives.

• Korean Architects
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• s.643
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• pp.98-103
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• 2022

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.41-50
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• 2018

The present article focuses on the cultural arts, the role and functions of people as intermediate to carry out the revitalization of memory. Most of the basic cultural activities and events sparked from the cardinal point of the democratization of Gwangju and the interwoven relationships this created. In other words, the events leading to Gwangju democratization movement have derived from democratic culture and art and they contributed to change and influence South Korea's revolutionary movements. As far as clarifying the concept of culture is concerned, the idea of culture is too wide to encompass it so we aim to narrow it down to the special events of 5.18 democratization movements which launched the national transformation of the cultural stage and the development of democracy in South Korea. Through this, the movement of popular culture and popular arts fostered the revolution of society. Moreover, the value of the 5.18 movement for democratization stems from democracy, human rights, the universal value of peace and so many efforts were made by popular artists until it became upgraded as a national commemoration day. Raising the people's awareness that culture could change the course of history is still necessary so that popular art and culture play a central role in people's lives. In order to fulfill the people's inherent hope it is necessary to promote aesthetic values and a continuous revolution in societal practices.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.5-32
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• 2017

5.18 Gwangju Democratization Movement was approved as a legal democratization movement by president Kim Young Sam in May 1993 and was approved as a global recording inheritance by UNESCO in May 2011 for the honor of Gwangju citizens to be restored. However, assessment on this until today after 35 years of occurrence is not nationally unified and the mind of Gwangju maybe only remembered as pride by Gwangju. There are several factors of this continuing situation but this researcher thinks the biggest factor is that professionals reanalyzing the truth ascertainment fitting spirit of the times who are in charge of citizen education are intensively distributed in Jeolla-do and Seoul. Moreover, the journal unlikely assessing 5.18 have enemies in the assailant area during activity that unity is not taking place with divided assessments and trapped in Honam. This study judges that the reason the meaning of 5.18 is trapped in Honam and not nationally unified is because of the limit of "adversary system." Especially researchers who should analyze and explain this incident in a objective views are bias distributed (Gwangju Jeolla-do> Seoul>Gyeongnam) in hometown areas that the possibility of 5.18 meaning not being unified was focused. Academic research studies, journal writers, and publication locations are divided in this study to reveal they are bias distributed and reveal that there is possibility that this biased distribution of researches are becoming obstacles in overcoming regionality.

• Journal of Environmental Science International
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-14
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• 2003

This research attempts to describe and explain the development of Korean environmental movement. It finds that the emergence of Korean environmental movement was constrained by the authoritarian nature of Korean politics. In 1970s, environmental movements were primitive and were not organized ones. With the wake of democratization in the 1980s, Korean environmental movement began to get some momentum. And in the 1990s, environmental movement to save clean water has achieved some success in certain areas. However, the emphasis on the growth of local economy in the age of local autonomy system has brought heavy degradation of local environment. The coming of the phenomena of Globalization and Cyber-Age has brought positive effects on Korean environmental movement.

• Journal of the Korea Furniture Society
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.156-168
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• 2017

The digital information society that developed along with the 21st century is the 'Open-source Making Movement' which produces collective intelligence through open-source sharing and digital manufacturing tools, which is called 'Makers Movement'. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the case of Makers Movement in furniture design through 'IKEA Hacking' which arose simultaneously with the Makers Movement, and to study and present the prospect and direction of furniture design in the change of manufacturing industry. In this study, four design features were compared with IKEA hacking cases along with the establishment of 'community' which is a feature of Makers Movement. Four characteristics are first customized design, second derivative design through open source, third long -Tail effect design, and fourth, design using digital manufacturing tools. The prospect and direction of furniture design through this study are as follows: first, democratization of furniture design manufacturing, second job creation, third, coexistence of large and small enterprises, fourth promotion of various new technologies, and fifth, discovery of various furniture designers through 'Open System Organization'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.69-83
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• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.17-30
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• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.