• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2013

This paper aims to study Thai democratic deepening and the constitutional engineering with the analytical concepts of 'power sharing' and 'accountability' focusing on the 1997 and 2007 Constitution. With regard to power sharing, the 1997 Constitution had the characteristics of majoritarian principle including a two-party system, strengthening of prime minister and the executive's power etc. It enhanced significantly the aspects of accountability compared with the previous constitutions. The institutions such as Constitutional Court, Commission on Election, Administration Court, Commission on Human Right, Ombudsman, Commission on Anti-corruption, and the Measure for Anti-money Laundering were established by the 1997 Constitution. However, such empowered accountability system were often abused by the political power groups in the political process. The 2007 Constitution has the characteristics of consensual principle including a multiparty system, proportional representation system, weakened prime minister's power, balancing of cabinet and parliament's power, pushing ahead with decentralization. However, the consensual principle of the 2007 Constitution came, in part, from the factional interests. It is similar to the 1997 Constitution in terms of accountability system, which enhanced in law but abused often in practice. One of the critical reasons for the failure of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions to consolidate democratic system was the political game played around the so-called network for the monarchy composed by the military, the civilian bureaucracy, Constitutional Court and the privileged classes. The future of the Thai democratic deepening depends on the constitutional engineering in which the factional interests should be excluded, and the rules of power sharing and accountability which traditionally played around the network for the monarchy should be effectively institutionalized.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.271-303
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• 2023

In 1991, Malaysia, under the leadership of then-Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, launched an ambitious 30-year national development program known as Vision 2020. The goal of this program was to transform Malaysia into a First World developed nation by the year 2020. One of the aspirations of the program was to create a psychologically liberated, secure, ethical, and mature democratic society. Vision 2020 is a failure and Malaysia is still not a mature democracy. This article identifies four main areas that make up a flawed democracy practiced in Malaysia, and shows how they work against the country's aspirations to become a developed nation. The electoral system is rigged to help the incumbent remain in power. The widespread practices of money politics have become a curse to the country. The press and media organizations are restricted. Civil society activities are suppressed. As a result of these issues, Malaysia will not be able to achieve the status of a developed nation, lacking democratic accountability and inclusive institutions.

• Journal of the Korean Vacuum Society
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.453-459
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• 2010

Nanotechnology is now widely believed to be one of the most influential techno-sciences of the future. Or at least it is believed that way in most of industrial countries including South Korea. Naturally, the governments of these industrial countries are currently investing a sizable portion of their human and material resources in order to go ahead in this prominent area of research. Consequently, nanotechnology in these countries has become one of the social sectors where reasonable accountability is normally called for. I claim that reasonable accountability of nanotechnology should take into account the risk-perception of citizens as regards nanotechnology as well as its risk itself. Risk-perception could be variable, changeable, and prone to be polarized; still we should pay more attention to public risk-perception because it is clearly effective in mobilizing public movements, objective in the intersubjective way, and legitimate in a democratic society.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.44-58
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• 2017

Scholars have long debated the factors that drive political participation and have recently applied theories, developed from analyses of citizens from Europe and the United States, to respondents in the democratizing countries of Asia. In both Hong Kong and Singapore, however, citizens attend rallies and contact officials - yet do so under authoritarian governance. Are the causes of political participation in these cities similar to what is observed in other groups of respondents across Asia? Or, do institutions influence whether individuals participate? In this paper, I evaluate the development of liberal norms of engagement in both cities as a function of traditional models of participation. As citizens in these cities possess some of the highest standards of living in the region, they should also face frustrations with the limited democratic accountability of their leaders. Ultimately, individuals in each city have developed support for democracy but, given the differing goals of each regime, the nature of democratic engagement differs considerably. In Singapore, citizens are mobilized to engage and participate but support the status quo. By contrast, engaged Hong Kong residents participate out of a frustration with the government, a function of their high levels of internal efficacy and institutional detachment.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2007.11a
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• pp.183-187
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• 2007

During the recent decades in democratic and industrialized countries, government policies for governing technological innovation and risks to environment and human health have undergone significant changes. The shift from a top-down legislative approach to a more inclusive and deliberative atmosphere is, putatively the most prominent change. Such a move is often described as a move from government to governance. In the governance of technology and risk, public engagement has been a major strategy in technology decision-making process. This article aims to look into the changes in the procedural modes of technology decision-making process. It discusses the main viewpoints that have been placed on the basis of such a move. Also, it further relates the changes in local decision-making process to science and technology decision-making at global level. It argues that the democratic and reflexive trends in local science and technology decision-making will be the basis upon which to shape and respond to global governance system: while international decision-making process would require accountability in integrating different values and rationalities, such accountability may be sustained and reinforced depending on the robustness of the local decisions and social choices.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.32
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• pp.219-236
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• 2012

It is well known that records management is closely related to democracy, and the records management 'innovation' in Korea did also aim to reach democratic 'accountability' and 'governance'. Likewise, the first reason this article deals with the establishment of archival community in the East Asia is to help promote democracy and form a co-operative relations in the region through records management. Secondly, the distorted view of history easily found in the history textbooks of each countries should be corrected for the 21st East Asia in peace. Records and memories in the past are main components for the present and the future. A great many records to solve the disputes over history still remains inaccessible at large in the archives of the East Asia. A coming archival community will endeavor to disclose and share the historical records for harmonious awareness of history. Cooperation and solidarity within archival community in the East Asia featuring democratic accountability, governance and more records disclosure can be a brand-new start for peace and 'better' democracy in his region.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.47
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• pp.23-49
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• 2009

The purpose of the study is to suggest contents, and a range of a Nonnative Theory and a practice for overcoming a crisis of the Mass media. In order to achieve the purpose of the study, a limitation and implication of Social Responsibility Theory was looked into by investigating a Hutchins Report. Hutchins Report suggested the related points at moral duty and legal obligation in implementing mass media's Social Responsibility and Accountability, with relations in publics and community. However, within a view point of a lack of Accountability, Social Responsibility Theory limited responsibility to the realm of 'function', 'self-regulation' and 'self-ethics', In order to promote mass media's quality and serve to rehabilitate its reliability under the pluralistic media system, the contents of Social Responsibility and its scope should be suggested. Media Accountability is a starting point to draw out the contents and scope of Social Responsibility and also a valid democratic plan for mass media to 'social self-regulation' through the mutual communication with civil society. For future Social Responsibility and Media Accountability that is suitable for various mass media, and contents and a range should be defined.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.40
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• pp.3-27
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• 2014

The purpose of the enactment of the 'Law on the National Archives of Korea' should be to secure the accountability and to shape up the improved governance system in the field of records and archival management, which will contribute to the strengthening of democracy in records management and eventually to the widening of the democratic progress in Korea. On the basis of the above recognition and by way of notion called 'horizontal accountability', this paper suggests the way to secure the National Archives of Korea's independency. And the way to reorganize the National Records Management Committee based on the pluralism and the 'multi-layered' governance system is also investigated. One of the main directions in the suggested law should be for the autonomy and transparency in the operation of the National Archives of Korea. This paper tries drawbacks and limitations of the 'Bill on the National Archives of Korea' introduced to the National Assembly last year, and suggests the alternatives as wel lto get further forward with related discussion.

• 한국디지털정책학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2004.11a
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• pp.311-331
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• 2004

This paper addresses the democracy-oriented regulatory and legal requirements that e-democracy impacts. It demonstrates that the structure of the political system also plays a significant role in the decision to develop an e-voting application. The short term perspective of the questions put before the electorate obliterate the long term perspective in which many policy problems have to be seen. A well-designed e-voting system should produce an audit trail that is even stronger than that of conventional systems (including paper-based systems). Remote Internet voting systems pose significant risk to the integrity of the voting process, and should not be fielded for use in public elections until substantial technical and social science issues are addressed. Conclusively the paper focuses on the specific attributes an electronic voting (polling place) system should respect and ensure such as transparency, verifiability, accountability, security and accuracy in relation to the constitutional requirements such as General, Free. Equal, Secret, Direct and Democratic.