• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.429-438
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• 2021

Owing to the development of science technology, particularly the smart concept and defense policy factors of the 4th industry, military weapon systems are advanced, and the scientific and operational force is reduced dramatically. The aspect of the future war is characterized by the operation of troops with reduced forces from advanced and scientific weapon systems in an operational area that has expanded more than four times compared to the present. Reflecting on these situational factors, it is necessary to improve combat methods based on the changes in the battlefield environment and advanced weapon systems. In this study, to find a more efficient future combat method in a changing war pattern, this study applied the battle experiment methodology using Vision21 war game model, which is an analytical model used by the army. Finally, this study aimed to verify the future combat method and unit structure. Therefore, the scenario composition and experiment method that reflect the change in the ground operational environment and weapon system was first composed. Subsequently, an analysis method based on the combat effectiveness was applied to verify the effective combat performance method and unit structure of future infantry units.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.310-316
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• 2021

Conventional satellites are generally large satellites that are multi-functional and have high performance. However, small satellites have been gradually drawing attention since the recent development of lightweight and integrated electric, electronic, and optical technologies. As the size and weight of a satellite decrease, the barrier to satellite development is becoming lower due to the cost of manufacture and cheaper launch. However, solar panels are essential for the power supply of satellites but have limitations in miniaturization and weight reduction because they require a large surface area to be efficiently exposed to sunlight. Space solar cells must be manufactured in consideration of various space environments such as spacecraft and environments with solar thermal temperatures. It is necessary to study structural materials for lightweight and high-efficiency solar cells by applying an unfolding mechanism that optimizes the surface-to-volume ratio. Currently, most products are developed and operated as solar cell panels for space applications with a triple-junction structure of InGaP/GaAs/Ge materials for high efficiency. Furthermore, multi-layered junctions have been studied for ultra-high-efficiency solar cells. Flexible thin-film solar cells and organic-inorganic hybrid solar cells are advantageous for material weight reduction and are attracting attention as next-generation solar cells for small satellites.

• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.5-27
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to look at USN's efforts to rebuild its combat power in the face of a reemergence of great powers competition, and to propose some recommendations for the ROKN. In addition to the plan to augment its fleet towards a 355-ships capacity, the USN is pursuing to improve exponentially combat lethality(quality) of its existing fleet by means of innovative science and technology. In other words, the USN is putting its utmost efforts to improve readiness of current forces, to modernize maintenance facilities such as naval shipyards, and simultaneously to invest in innovative weapons system R&D for the future. After all, the USN seems to pursue innovations in advanced military Science & Technology as the best way to ensure continued supremacy in the coming strategic competition between great powers. However, it is to be seen whether the USN can smoothly continue these efforts to rebuild combat strength vis-a-vis its new competition peers, namely China and Russian navy, due to the stringent fiscal constraints, originating, among others, from the 2011 Budget Control Act effective yet. Then, it seems to be China's unilateral and assertive behaviors to expand its maritime jurisdiction in the South China Sea that drives the USN's rebuild-up efforts of the future. Now, some changes began to be perceived in the basic framework of the hitherto regional maritime security, in the name of declining sea control of the USN as well as withering maritime order based on international law and norms. However, the ROK-US alliance system is the most excellent security mechanism upon which the ROK, as a trading power, depends for its survival and prosperity. In addition, as denuclearization of North Korea seems to take significant time and efforts to accomplish in the years to come, nuclear umbrella and extended deterrence by the US is still noting but indispensible for the security of the ROK. In this connection, the naval cooperation between ROKN and USN should be seen and strengthened as the most important deterrents to North Korean nuclear and missile threats, as well as to potential maritime provocation by neighboring countries. Based on these observations, this paper argues that the ROK Navy should try to expand its own deterrent capability by pursuing selective technological innovation in order to prevent this country's destiny from being dictated by other powers. In doing so, however, it may be too risky for the ROK to pursue the emerging, disruptive innovative technologies such as rail gun, hypersonic weapon... etc., due to enormous budget, time, and very thin chance of success. This paper recommends, therefore, to carefully select and extensively invest on the most cost-effective technological innovations, suitable in the operational environments of the ROK. In particular, this paper stresses the following six areas as most potential naval innovations for the ROK Navy: long range precision strike; air and missile defense at sea; ASW with various unmanned maritime system (UMS) such as USV, UUV based on advanced hydraulic acoustic sensor (Sonar) technology; network; digitalization for the use of AI and big data; and nuclear-powered attack submarines as a strategic deterrent.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.397-403
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• 2024

North Korea's rapidly advancing drone development and operational capabilities have become a significant threat to South Korea's security. The drone incursions by North Korea in 2014, 2017, and 2022 demonstrate the technological advancement and provocative potential of North Korean drones. This study aims to closely analyze the military threats posed by North Korean drones and seek effective countermeasures. The research examines the development level of North Korean drone technology, its military applications, the characteristics and patterns of recent drone incursions, the adequacy and limitations of South Korea's current response systems, and future countermeasures. For this purpose, domestic and international research literature and media reports were reviewed, and specific North Korean drone incursion cases were analyzed. The results indicate that North Korea's small drones possess technological features such as small size, low altitude, low-speed flight, long-duration flight, and reconnaissance equipment. These drones pose threats that can be utilized for reconnaissance, surveillance, surprise attacks, and terrorism. Additionally, South Korea's current response systems reveal limitations such as inadequate detection and identification capabilities, low interception success rates, lack of an integrated response system, and insufficient specialized personnel and equipment. Therefore, this study suggests various technical, policy, and international cooperative countermeasures, including the development of drone detection and identification technologies, the utilization of diverse drone neutralization technologies, the establishment of legal and institutional foundations, the construction of a cooperative framework among relevant agencies, and the strengthening of international cooperation. The study particularly emphasizes the importance of raising awareness of the North Korean drone threat across South Korean society and unifying national efforts to respond to these threats.

• Composites Research
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.101-107
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• 2024

Demand for submarine cable is increasing due to advances in submarine power transmission technology and submarine cable manufacturing technology. Submarine cable use various types of protective equipment to prevent problems such as high maintenance costs in the event of cable damage and power outages during maintenance periods. Among them, flexible protection tube is a representative protective equipment to protect cables and respond to external forces such as waves and current. The flexible protection tube is made of polyurethane 85A hyperelastic material, so the calculation of mechanical behavior is carried out using mechanical properties based on experimental results. In this study, a study was conducted to determine the bending performance and tensile performance of flexible protection tube through analytical methods. The physical properties obtained through the multiaxial tensile test of polyurethane 85A were used for the analysis. Bending and tensile performance were determined for the maximum bending moment standard of 15 kN·m and the tensile load standard of 50 kN. As a result, it was confirmed that when the maximum bending moment of 15 kN·m of the flexible protection tube occurred, the bending performance of the MBR was secured at 13 m and when a tensile load of 50 kN, it was applied the maximum vertical displacement was 968 mm, confirming that the tensile performance was secured.

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.82-113
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• 2016

This paper analyzes the contents and the effects of the UNSC 2270, and its implications to South Korea's defense strategy and navy. The UN Security Council passed strong sanctions against North Korea which punish North Korea's 4^th nuclear test. The sanctions compared to the previous ones require international society to take practical actions such as comprehensive trade bans as well as diplomatic isolation which will put significant pains on North Korea. Especially, these measures would greatly hamper economic development policy of Kim Joung-un regime. Because Kim Jung-un regime has inherent legitimacy problems which stems from the third family succession of the power, economic difficulties may play an important cause on the regime instability in the long term. In fact, the United States sees this possibility as an option to coerce North Korea in which North Korea choose denuclearization for its regime survival. Nevertheless, the prospects of the UN sanctions are not so optimistic. Considering North Korea's willingness for nuclear development and its level of nuclear technology, North Korea will try to play a gambit with the US and South Korea by exploiting its strategic advantages. North Korea's response will have three following strategies. First, it would actively pursue political and economic survival strategy by using China's support for the regime, strengthening its power grip in the name of countering US hostile policy, and enhancing peace propaganda. Second, North Korea will accelerate efforts to position its status as a nuclear de facto state. For this purpose, it could create nuclear crisis on the peninsula. Third, it would exploit local provocations as an exit strategy to get over the current situation. In order to counter North Korea's actions and punish North Korea's behavior strongly, South Korea needs following strategies and efforts. It should first make all the efforts to implement the UN sanctions. Strong and practical nuclear deterrence strategy and capability with the U.S. should be developed. Effective strategy and capabilities for the prevention and deterrence of North Korea's provocation should be prepared. For this purpose, North Korea's provocation strategy should be thoroughly reviewed. Active international cooperation is needed to punish and coerce North Korea's behavior. Finally, South Korea should prepare for the possible occurrence of North Korea's contingency and make use of the situation as an opportunity to achieve unification. All these strategies and efforts demand the more active roles and missions of South Korea's navy and thus, nullify North Korea's intention militarily.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.353-384
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• 2013

When it comes to the current inter-Korean relationship, the two Koreas are in the step of core practical negotiation on exchanges and cooperation away from deadlock so far. It is expected that they will have more and frequent meetings in the future. Therefore, now is the time the South Korea needed to come up with systematic countermeasures because there is nothing more important and giving more impact on our society than the matter of North Korea. As the purpose of social science lies with the explanation and prediction of the social phenomena in the society, it is considered to be meaningful to analyze the representative military negotiations such as the defense ministry-level talks, general-level talks, and working-level talks between the two Koreas where the participants from South Korea consisting of the military representatives discussed with their counterparts of North Korea since the signing of the armistice in Korea on July 27, 1953. This study analyzes and evaluates the behaviors of North Korea's military negotiations with the South Korea in the Kim Jong-il era on the overall basis. In particular, the research tries to prove that the behaviors of military negotiations under Kim Jeong-il regime were made in the frame of the negotiation model by analyzing many negotiations presented in 'With Century', Kim Il Sung's Memoirs under his anti-Japan-guerilla era and suggesting the analysis frame of anti-Japan-guerilla style negotiation model. Based on the results of this proof, the study looks at carefully the specific characteristics of anti-Japan guerrilla-type negotiation.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.349-384
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• 2013

The Sputnik 1 launching in 1957 made the world recognize the necessity of international regulations on space development and activities in outer space. The United Nations established COPUOS the very next year, and adopted the mandate to examine legal issues concerning the peaceful uses of outer space. At the time, the military sector of the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union were in charge of the space development and they were not welcomed to discuss the prohibition of the military uses of outer space at the legal section in the COPUOS. Although both countries had common interests in securing the freedom of military uses in outer space. As the social and economic benefits derived from space activities have become more apparent, civil expenditures on space activities have continued to increase in several countries. Virtually all new spacefaring states explicitly place a priority on space-based applications to support social and economic development. Such space applications as satellite navigation and Earth imaging are core elements of almost every existing civil space program. Likewise, Moon exploration continues to be a priority for such established spacefaring states as China, Russia, India, and Japan. Recently, Companies that manufacture satellites and ground equipment have also seen significant growth. On 25 February 2012 China successfully launched the eleventh satellite for its indigenous global navigation and positioning satellite system, Beidou. Civil space activities began to grow in China when they were allocated to the China Great Wall Industry Corporation in 1986. China Aerospace Corporation was established in 1993, followed by the development of the China National Space Administration. In Japan civil space was initially coordinated by the National Space Activities Council formed in 1960. Most of the work was performed by the Institute of Space and Aeronautical Science of the University of Tokyo, the National Aerospace Laboratory, and, most importantly, the National Space Development Agency. In 2003 all this work was assumed by the Japanese Aerospace Exploration Agency(JAXA). Japan eases restrictions on military space development. On 20 June 2012 Japan passed the Partial Revision of the Cabinet Establishment Act, which restructured the authority to regulate Japanese space policy and budget, including the governance of the JAXA. Under this legislation, the Space Activities Commission of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology, which was responsible for the development of Japanese space program, will be abolished. Regulation of space policy and budget will be handed over to the Space Strategy Headquarter formed under the Prime Minister's Cabinet. Space Strategy will be supported by a Consultative Policy Commission as an academics and independent observers. By revoking Article 4 (Objectives of the Agency) of a law that previously governed JAXA and mandated the development of space programs for "peaceful purposes only," the new legislation demonstrates consistency with Article 2 of the 2008 Basic Space Law. In conformity with the principles laid down in the 1967 Outer Space Treaty JAXA is now free to pursue the non-aggressive military use of space. New legislation is the culmination of a decade-long process that sought ways to "leverage Japan's space development programs and technologies for security purposes, to bolster the nation's defenses in the face of increased tensions in East Asia." In this connection it would also be very important and necessary to create an Asian Space Agency(ASA) for strengthening cooperation within the Asian space community towards joint undertakings.