• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.111-158
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• 2018

This paper pays attention to the recent increase of young Koreans working in the low-skilled service sector in Singapore. Such rapid increase largely results from the Korean government's initiatives to promote labour migration of young people and the concurrent proliferation of migration agencies, against the background of growing youth unemployment in South Korea. By exploring the motivations and trajectories of young people's labour migration to Singapore, this study examines to what extent they think their expectations have been met and how they interpret their migration and work experiences. There has been little research that examines the actual voices of young migrants as part of migration studies, whilst the majority of previous research focuses on the evaluation of government support programmes based on job matching rates, surveys of participant satisfaction and etc. Young people who went to Singapore to improve their English language skills and qualifications for future employment in Korea have become frustrated due to low-skilled service jobs that consist of low pay and high labour intensity. Their credentials are devalued and they experience deskilling through this migration process. Most of them were discontent with the Korean migration agencies they used and critical about programmes offered by government institutions and universities/colleges. Despite being subject to deskilling, they did try to actively cope or resist this situation. This study focuses on the various ways these migrants attempted to manage the gap between their initial expectations and reality. It also demonstrates how these migrants interpreted their work experiences after returning to Korea: whilst most of them did not cash off their Singapore work experience for a decent job after returning to Korea, they did not define their experience as a complete failure. Adding to cultural, social capital they gained through this experience, they acquired 'mobility capital' which includes confidence, the desire to move, and capacity to control one's own movement.

• Issues in Feminism
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.49-83
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• 2011

This article explores the characteristics of care and care labor which is core keyword of the welfare state and the way of institutionalization of care labor, focusing specially on differences among women. Caring is defined by the expression of morality and labor accompanied by concrete action. But, care labor in the welfare state is defined by "activities involved in caring for the ill, elderly, handicapped and dependent", and I think, that definition is more useful than the narrow one for policy institutionalization. But the latter definition intentionally separates the domestic work from care work. Care labor is considered to be different from the market labor in terms of motivations, but there are some limits in standardization and commercialization of the traits of emotional and moral engagement. Thus, requiring of emotional motivation as one of the job descriptions is not realistic. Welfare state is institutionalizing women's unpaid care work in family through de-familization, and its policy tools are cash benefits and services for care-related, which influence to the female wage worker and fulltime housewife, care receiver and care giver, and polarization of women's class in a very different way. Cash benefits enhances the division of gender labor, polarizes the care laborer and weakens of expansion the care as decent job. The movement of feminist welfare state have a vision of universal service expansion and need the policy list for de-gendering of care labor.

• 한국노년학
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.959-976
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to understand socio-demographic factors related to older adults' participation patterns in lifelong education. For the purpose, this study used the raw data of 2017 Survey of the Living Conditions of the Elderly (SLCE) conducted by The Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs. From the data of 10,073 older adults, their lifelong education participation, participating program types, participating organizations, and participating frequency were analyzed by their sex, age, educational level, household income, the longest job status, and health status. This study found that female, age of 70-74 and 75-79, educational levels of high school and higher, the longest job status of regular employees and unpaid family workers, and decent health status of older adults more participated in lifelong education. According to lifelong education program types, significant differences were found between education groups of middle school/lower and groups of high school/higher and between 1, 2 quintile income groups and 3, 4, 5 quintile income groups. In relation to the participating organizations, groups of 70 years and older, middle school and higher education level, under 3 quintile income, and poor health tended to participate in lifelong education at the elderly welfare center, senior citizens, and elderly classrooms. In terms of participation frequency, high school and college/higher than 0 year of school education, and regular workers than unpaid family workers were more frequently participated in lifelong education. This study showed the inequality in lifelong education participation according to older adults' demographic characteristics; finally, this study suggested necessary policies and academic discussions for future older adults' lifelong education.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.385-411
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• 2008

The goal of medicine is to contribute to promoting national health by preventing diseases and providing treatment. The scope of modern medicine isn't merely confined to disease testing, treatment and prevention in accordance to that, and making experiments by using the human body is widespread. The advance in modern medicine has made a great contribution to valuing human dignity and actualizing a manly life, but there is a problem that has still nagged modern medicine: treatment and healing for terminal patients including cancer patients. In advanced countries, pain care and hospice medicine are already universal. Offering a helping hand for terminal patients to lead a less painful and more manly life from diverse angles instead of merely focusing on treatment is called the very hospice medicine. That is a comprehensive package of medical services to take care of death-facing terminal patients and their families with affection. That is providing physical, mental and social support for the patients to pass away in peace after living a dignified and decent life, and that is comforting their bereaved families. The National Hospice Organization of the United States provides terminal patients and their families with sustained hospital care and home care in a move to lend assistance to them. In our country, however, tertiary medical institutions simply provide medical care for terminal patients to extend their lives, and there are few institutional efforts to help them. Hospice medicine is offered mostly in our country by non- professionals including doctors, nurses, social workers, pastors or physical therapists. Terminal patients' needs cannot be satisfied in the same manner as those of other patients, and it's needed to take a different approach to their treatment as well. Nevertheless, the focus of medical care is still placed on treatment only, which should be taken seriously. Ministry for Health, Welfare & Family Affairs and Health Insurance Review & Assessment Service held a public hearing on May 21, 2008, on the cost of hospice care, quality control and demonstration project to gather extensive opinions from the academic community, experts and consumer groups to draw up plans about manpower supply, facilities and demonstration project, but the institutions are not going to work on hospice education, securement of facilities and relevant legislation. In 2002, Ministry for Health, Welfare & Family Affairs made an official announcement to introduce a hospice nurse system to nurture nurse specialists in this area. That ministry legislated for the qualifications of advanced nurse practitioner and a hospice nurse system(Article 24 and 2 in Enforcement Regulations for the Medical Law), but few specific plans are under way to carry out the regulations. It's well known that the medical law defines a nurse as a professional health care worker, and there is a move to draw a line between the responsibilities of doctors and those of nurses in association with medical errors. Specifically, the roles of professional hospice are increasingly expected to be accentuated in conjunction with treatment for terminal patients, and it seems that delving into possible problems with the job performance of nurses and coming up with workable countermeasures are what scholars of conscience should do in an effort to contribute to the development of medicine and the realization of a dignified and manly life.

• Journal of Korean society of Dental Hygiene
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• v.10 no.5
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• pp.831-839
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• 2010

Objectives : The purpose of this study was to examine dental hygiene students' image of dental hygienist and factors affecting the image of dental hygienist in an effort to provide some information useful for dental hygiene education. It's basically meant to recreate the image of dental hygienist as a professional. Methods : The subjects in this study were 310 sophomores and seniors who ere selected by convenience sampling from three different three-year-course colleges located in Gyeonggi Province, Chungcheong Province and Gwangju. After a survey was conducted, the answer sheets from 277 respondents were analyzed except for 33 incomplete ones. The collected data were analyzed with a SPSSWIN 17.0 program, and statistical data on frequency and percentage were obtained to find out the general characteristics of the subjects, and another statistical data on mean and standard deviation for each item were acquired to check their image of dental hygienist. Besides, t-test, ANOVA and Kruscal-Wallis test, one of nonparametric test, were utilized to look for connections between their general characteristics and image of dental hygienist. Results : 1. They gave a mean of 3.53 to the image of dental hygienist, which showed that the dental hygiene students took a favorable view of dental hygienists in general. 2. Their response to four items showed that they looked at the image of dental hygienist in a positive manner. The four items respectively described dental hygienists as professionals, as ones who played a crucial role in the improvement of national oral health, as ones with professional knowledge and sophisticated knowhow, and as neat and decent people. And their response to the following five items indicated that they looked at the image of dental hygienists in a negative way. One was that dental hygienists were considered to be dental nurses, and another was that the occupation of dental hygienist was a demanding and stressful job. The third was that there was no single, fixed title to call dental hygienists, and the fourth was that dental hygiene wasn't recognized as an independent area. The fifth was that the social standing of dental hygienists was sort of high. 3. In regard to the impact of the general characteristics of the dental hygiene students on their image of dental hygienist, they had a more favorable image of dental hygienist when they perceived dental hygiene in a more positive manner(p<0.001). Conclusions : In order to boost the image of dental hygienist, the working conditions of dental hygienists should be improved, and educational programs should be prepared to provided them extended continuing educational opportunities. And the kind of educational environments that could nurture dental hygienists who are convinced and have a vision should be created.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.107-137
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• 1996

Under-utilization of Korean women's education in the labor market has been observed and pointed out as a waste of valuable human resources. Although education provides women with positive returns when they work, it has been found that Korean women's education is not much related to the likelihood of women's labor force participation. This tendency cannot be explained by micro-economic theory, which says that educated women are more likely to participate in the labor force. Thus, in this analysis, a macro-level explanation is attempted to understand Korean women's economic behaviors in relation to education. Korea's rapid industrialization since 1960 has provided ample job opportunities mostly for less educated women. On the other hand, increasing demand for educated female labor has been moderate. Various restriction against women, especially married women, have prevailed in the Korean labor market. Restrictions against women and the marriage bar tend to be selectively applied to decent white-collar jobs, mostly affecting educated women. Furthermore, there has been no shortage of educated male labor due to its adequate supply. Since Korean women spend most of their adult lives in marriage, married women's low participation in the labor force is a critical factor for the low economic returns to women's education throughout their lifetime. Restriction against married women in the labor market also existed in the past of the United States and the Great Britain. However, along with the expansion of the service sector, married women in great numbers flowed into non-manual jobs. The post-1940 increase of married women in the labor force in those countries can be understood to be a result of a labor shortage for non-manual jobs. Also in Taiwan, which shares many common cultural and economic backgrounds with Korea, the marriage bar has been in decline since the late 1970s, along with an increasing demand for female labor in the service sector. In sum, the changes in the demand structure and the supply of educated male labor force will contribute to the lift of the marrige bar in Korea.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.41
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• pp.87-123
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• 2011

Korea is expected to become an 'aged society' with more than 14 percent of the public aged 65 years or more by 2018. The rapid aging is giving rise to various problems within the society along with falling birthrate in a short period of time. In this context, the role and function of laws on welfare for the aged must be particularly emphasized. Also the Senior Citizens Welfare Act is of great importance as it provides social welfare service on the basis of functional connection with social insurance and public assistance. First, this paper looks into the history of laws related to welfare for the elderly such as the Senior Welfare Act, the Act on Long-term Care Insurance for Senior Citizens and the Basic Old Age Pension Act as well as the findings of earlier studies. In the second place, it will break down such laws by main components aiming to examine details of the laws and questions raised regarding them and to seek ways to achieve improvement with an emphasis on health care, old age income security, housing welfare(assisted living facilities), job security for the aged. The Senior Welfare Act offers substance of social welfare service for the elderly. Income security, health and medical care, welfare measures through long-term care and assisted living facilities, social participation by working are the key elements and all of them should be closely associated to ensure citizens get sufficient public support in their old age. For this purpose, the Senior Welfare Act is under a normative network with laws such as Act on Long-term Care Insurance for Senior Citizens and Basic Old Age Pension Act. Current laws on welfare for the aged including Senior Welfare Act are not sufficiently responsive to the aged society of the 21st century. Income security combined with decent social participation, health and medical care closely connected with long-term care system, efficient expense sharing between government and local government, enhancement of effectiveness of welfare measures can be considered as means to improve current welfare system so that the elderly can enjoy their old age with dignity and respect.