• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.201-234
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• 2016

This thesis examined interpreting methodology of Do Won Lew Seung Kug(1923~2011) is based on the principle of Juhng-yaug. His lifelong academic aim was searching for the theory that enables global community to co-exist peacefully through humanitarianism that leads to reconciliation and mutual benefits. The research of the history of Korean thoughts provided him with the clue for his theory. According to Do Won, Korean thoughts pursue the Juhng-yaug's value of 'Yin and Yang accordance' rather than the I-Ching's value of 'suppress Yin and elevate Yang'. He furthermore asserts the concept of the middle (中), which harmonizes the two extremes by human beings as main agents, has been consistently observed from the action of divination during the ancient period through Juhng-yaug in the late 19th century. Do Won identifies 'human maturity that integrates the extremely conflicting insistences and values and seeks to be reconciled' as the basic character of Korean thoughts. He explains 'Hongikingan[弘益人間, becoming beneficial to the human world] is the idea that embraces the conflicting values symbolized by heaven and the earth. He also illuminates that Choe Chi Won(崔致遠)'s created Poongliu Do by integrating heterogeneity among Confucianism, Buddhim, and Daoism and it was attainable through the various works of mature human beings. Both Toe Gye' s philosophy of Ingeuk(人極, the Great Ultimate of Person) and the concept of Innaecheon(人乃天, Human Being right is Heaven) of Donghak are excellent examples of Humanitarianism that sublate two extremes. In Korea, the prototype of this thought has penetrated its entire history in the various circumstances of the period. The grand finale is Juhng-yaug of which the pursued values are 'Yin and Yang accordance' and mature humanitarianism revealed by the thoughts of the Person of the Central Ultimate (皇極人,至人) and Central Ultimate (皇極). Therefore, Humanitarianism in Korean thoughts clearly makes its appearance by the time of Juhng-yaug and it functions as a keyword to illuminate the entire history of Korean thoughts in reverse.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.117-152
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• 2020

In Daesoon Thought, Matteo Ricci is regarded highly as a Jongjang, 'religious leader,' (of Christianity). This paper deals with the life and philosophical/theological thought of Matteo Ricci as homo-religiosus from the perspective of phenomenology of religion. Examining his historical background and biographical sketch, I will analyze Ricci's understanding of God, humanity, and salvation and re-evaluate his relationship with Daesoon Thought. Matteo Ricci, born in Italy, became a Jesuit missionary to China and transmitted various products of western civilization. Accepting the pro-cultural approach of Jesuit mission, he applied it to Chinese culture and language by learning the Chinese language and regarding Chinese people as his friends. This was a sympathetic way to transmit Western religion and culture while on Chinese soil. He suggested eight reasons to look towards the future of China with optimism and taught Chinese people his Christian message through his indirect means of understanding and persuasion. In China, Jesuit missionaries called the Christian God 'Tianzhu (Cheonju in Sino-Korean),' meaning Lord of Heaven. Ricci identified the Confucian notion of 'Shangdi (Sangje in Sino-Korean),' meaning Supreme Emperor (or God) with Tianzhu. While translating Confucian scriptures, he found the common ground between Confucianism and Christianity to be the monotheism of ancient Confucianism. He criticized the concepts of God in Buddhism and Daoism, and justified the Christian doctrine of God by way of a Confucian understanding of deity. Ricci's understanding of humanity was based on his Christian faith in creation, and he criticized the Buddhist concept of transmigration. He proposed Christian ethics and doctrine of salvation by using discourse on the afterlife and in particular, the concepts of heaven and hell. Concerning the relationship between Daesoon Thought and Ricci, the following aspects should be examined: 1.) Ricci's contribution to the cultural exchanges between East and West, 2.) his peaceful approach to his mission based on dialogue and persuasion, 3.) the various activities conducted by Ricci as a Christian leader, and 4.) his belief in miraculous healings. His influence on Korea will likewise be explored. Ricci's ultimate aim was to communicate with Asian people and unify East and West under a singular worldview by emphasizing the similarities between the Christian and Confucian concepts of God.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.115-151
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• 2021

According to Lee Young-geum, the ideas of grievance resolution and mutual beneficence were already present in shamanism. She also insists that Jeungsan merely theorized upon these ideas by inheriting them and his religious activities must be identified from within a shamanistic worldview. Contrary to Lee's claim, Cha Seon-keun argues that the grievance resolution of Jeungsan is far beyond the contents and level of development found in shamanism. He also insists that Jeungsan's religious activities must be identified as having a certain orderly uniqueness distinct from shamanism. The argument between these two different perspectives has not attracted other researchers besides those who are directly involved. However, this debate deserves attention with regard to the problem of how one approaches a given religion and which academic perspective should be applied. Based on the perspective of the Daesoon Jinrihoe, this study examines their debate by considering four issues. Firstly, whether Jeungsan inherited or expanded upon the subject of grievance resolution and its range remains undetermined. Secondly, the ethics of mutual beneficence and grateful reciprocation in Jeungsan's concept of grievance resolution should be analyzed as to whether that idea reasserts the ethics of shamanism. Thirdly, it is necessary to study whether his method of grievance resolution fully embraced the methods of grievance resolution that exist in shamanism. Lastly, it should be determined whether or not Jeungsan's religious activities and system of thought should be identified within a shamanistic worldview. Through this review, Lee and Cha can be shown to have different opinions on the academic approach to research on religion. Accordingly, this study concludes that Lee's method of only interpreting Jeungsan's religious thought via a shamanic worldview is incompatible with academic methodology. A scholar of religious studies should discuss Jeungsan on his own merits rather than just imply that Jeungsan thoroughly reflects the worldview of shamanism, doctrinal studies of Buddhism, and Daoist thought as well as other theologies. In other words, if certain tangible and intangible elements found in shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Daoism, and Christianity are also observed in Jeungsan's religious thought, it is necessary to comprehend how different or similar those elements are or whether they are re-interpreted in any manner. In the case of Lee, her method of overemphasizing similarities is now criticized as outdated. Nowadays, it is necessary to demonstrate awareness of modern religious studies tendency to pay equal attention to similarities and differences.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.44
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• pp.141-175
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• 2023

This comparative study combines the methodologies of comparative research and literature review to examine Daesoon Thought. Comparative religious analysis in the social sciences, does not presuppose an a priori framework of the essence of religion because it targets various aspects of religion which are revealed within a historical field. However, it does not decompose and return to psychological or social phenomena like social sciences. In addition, with the emergence of religious pluralism, the climate of focusing on similarities between religions has already been accomplished to some degree. Furthermore, it is worth noting that many spiritual movements in modern spirituality reveal mixed or amorphous characteristics without being restricted by specific religious membership. It is time to overcome instrumentation and restore the transcendence of its original appearance even in secular humanist reasoning. It can be said that this reveals the perception that the ills and crises of modern civilization should be overcome in connection with the opening of the acquired world of Daesoon Thought. It could further be said that the main culprit of evil behavior is instrumental reason or degenerated reason rather than spirituality. Religion is the intellectual crystalline body of humankind and aims at human perfection and salvation. However, extremists in previous times amplified conflicts between religions and formed ideas suitable for their specific regions through different experiences. This generated mental rifts that proved greatly influential. At the time of initial inception, each religion confronted and fought other ideologies, but when the era of religious pluralism began, the necessity for inter-spiritual communication became urgent. It could be said that happiness is the realization of human spirituality by exploring the vision of humanism. In that case, the combined methodologies of comparative research and literature review reveal that the spirituality of Daesoon Thought would enable a humanism based on human dignity. This would be a path for seeking spirituality through human life and living as a true human being. Spiritual humanism as discussed through this study aims to share the problems of modern civilization and provide a critical view of modern civilization that shows the roots of prevailing thought are stuck in a Cartesian dualistic view of humanity and the world. The type of spiritual humanism to examined here focuses on a cosmotheandric vision by considering the spiritual return to Daoism via Daesoon Thought. This would treat human beings like heaven in alignment with Donghak ideology and honor the human dignity proposed by Daesoon Thought. It would also deliver sentient beings from suffering and to bliss in accordance with the aims of faith in Maitreya Buddha, and it would implement the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence in fulfillment of Daesoon Thought.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.44
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• pp.1-52
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• 2023

Incantations are reflected in the fundamentals of the Daesoon faith system and are, thus, key to its understanding. Jeungsan, the yeonwon (fountainhead, 淵源) of the Daesoon faith, created new incantations or transformed existing ones that had been used in old religious traditions such as Buddhism and Daoism. However, there has been no in-depth academic research on Jeungsan's incantations until now. This study aims to academically clarify the incantatory archetypes of Jeungsan's incantations based on documents published until the 1970s. Jeungsan's incantations are then compared to those of Mugeuk-do (Limitless Dao) in the 1920s and Taegeuk-do (Great-Ultimate Dao) in the 1950s. Jeongsan's transformed incantations are analyzed through this process. Jeongsan reflected the faith system in Jeungsan's incantations during the period of Mugeuk-do. He transformed the incantations to achieve his goal and realize his wishes by arranging terms that referred to himself before the optative words of the incantations. Jeongsan made several changes to the incantations in the 1950s. First, the majority of incantations used in Mugeuk-do were discarded. This meant making partial changes to the faith system by reflecting awareness because the corresponding incantations were no longer necessary as the Degree Number calibrated by Jeungsan had been realized. Second, Jeongsan organized the incantations in use and institutionalized their instructions. This reflected the essential doctrinal system of the Daesoon faith, namely the completion of the true dharma by Jeongsan. Considering this doctrine, that is, the Fifty Year Holy Work (五十年工夫), the true dharma can be presumed to have been realized before the death of Jeongsan. Accordingly, the institutionalizing and organizing of the incantations were indispensable until the mid-to-late 1950s. Jeongsan, the founder of the Daesoon order, posited himself as the successor of religious orthodox lineage and as the figure who would complete the true dharma by realizing the Degree Number calibrated by Jeungsan. Therefore, Jeongsan interpreted Jeungsan's incantations to be a rough sketch of the Daesoon faith system that had been drawn for him in advance by Jeungsan. Accordingly, Jeongsan transformed Jeungsan's incantations and used them to realize the Degree Number, which Jeungsan had planned. Simultaneously, Jeongsan declared that he would fulfill the Degree Number and establish the true dharma by changing those incantations.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.33
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• pp.219-255
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• 2019

'Dao' is an important research subject as it is the main term for 'ultimate reality' in East Asian religious thought. Understanding the concept of 'Dao' is essential to reach the state of 'Perfected Unification with Dao,' the ultimate aspiration in Daesoon Thought. The meaning of 'Dao' can vary such as 'Dao' meaning 'way', which was first introduced in Jinwen. There is also the 'Dao' of yin and yang, and Dao used to mean human obligation, or Dao meaning the way of Heaven. These can also be classified into five categories: Constant Dao, Heavenly Dao, Divine Dao, Human Dao, and the Dao of Sangsaeng. Every natural phenomenon of birth, growth, and death in the universe operates under the patterns of Heaven and Earth. Therefore, Constant Dao in Daesoon Thought is the ultimate pattern underlying human action and the operations of Heaven and Earth. These apply not only to the natural and the divine world but also to the human world. It can be said that 'Rather than natural law or moral symbol of the world, 'Heavenly Dao' means the great Dao that saves the world through the Daesoon Truth of Sangje, Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven. Divine Dao can be said to be 'the Dao by which man must complete his work according to the law and the will of God,' that is, 'the Dao by which God and man are united together by Sangje's heavenly order and teaching, which aims for humanity, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom.' When the world is in a state of calamity and crisis, the request for the saint's Dao can symbolized by the kings, Yao and Shun, in The Canonical Scripture (Jeon-gyeong). The saint's Dao saves the dying world and people's lives and is called 'saving lives by curing the world (濟生醫世)'. It can be regarded as a characteristic of Human Dao in Daesoon Thought, which is the human obligation to follow Sangje's order, the great Dao to save the world. The Dao of Sangsaeng is the true dharma that rectifies the world full of mutual conflict through the ethics of the Later World, which is to promote the betterment of others and to practice the human Dao that saves the world and rebuilds the Constant Dao. Thus, The concept of Dao in Daesoon Thought is Daesoon Truth which applies to and operates throughout all realms of Heaven, Earth, Humanity, and the Divine world. Dao in Daesoon Thought was influenced by the historical background in which it emerged and this can be seen in its ideological features. It embraces the traditional concept of Dao, which refers to the Chinese classics and represents the main schools of thought in East Asia: Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. And it is unique in that it implies the will of Sangje as a religious object, a supreme being. It can be seen that Daesoon Thought has developed through the process of defining the concept of Dao by harmonizing both the universality and specificity of modern Korean religious thought.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.1-34
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• 2020

It has been suggested that Jeungsan's prophetic poem that starts with the verse "For about seven or eight years, there will be a castle in the ancient country [七八年間古國城] ⋯" originally comes from Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄). Despite Jeungsan, himself, obviously having been critical of that text, this claim has become the basic grounds for discourse suggesting that Jeungsan was not only interested in Prophecies of Jeong Gam but also considerably influenced by the text. However, the claim itself was formulated due to misunderstandings of the Chinese poems that had been included in A Compilation of Secret Prophecies Hidden in the Family-clan of Seogye (西溪家臧訣). These poems pursue a different ideological orientation than the poem from Prophecies of Jeong Gam. Ultimately, the Chinese poem in the verse 84 the chapter titled, Prophetic Elucidations in The Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe cannot provide a basis for the claim that Jeungsan was strongly influenced by Prophecies of Jeong Gam. This claim that Prophecies of Jeong Gam made a deep impact on Jeungsan and Daesoon Thought was based on three other texts outside of those that appear within verse 84 of Prophetic Elucidations. The first supposedly-related line is: "Heaven opens at the period of the Rat (Ja 子), Earth opens at the period of the Ox (Chuk 丑), humankind starts at the period of the Tiger (Ihn 寅)." This line comes from from Shao Kangjie's Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles (皇極經世), and the line could be quoted idiomatically as an expression in the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, attempts to relate Daesoon Thought to Prophecies of Jeong Gam are a distortion that arise from the assumption that Jeungsan had a significant interest in Prophecies of Jeong Gam. The second related line is "At the foot of Mount Mother (母岳山), a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山下 金佛能言]." That line is nearly identical to the verse "On the summit of Mount Mother, a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山頭 金佛能言]." Yet, Jeungsan changed '頭 (du, the summit)' to '下 (ha, the foot or under)' and express his own unique religious prophecy. This allusion to the prophecies of Jeong Gam is actually a criticism designed to disprove the earlier prophecy. Third, is the verse, "The form of Buddhism, creation of daoism, and propriety of Confucianism [佛之形體仙之造化儒之凡節]," which is characteristically related to Daesoon Thought. This verse can only be found in the prophetic text, Prophecies of Chochang (蕉蒼訣), and it is provided a main source when alleging that Prophecies of Jeong Gam was an influence on Daesoon Thought. However, considering the context of Prophecies of Chochang and the year of its publication (it is assumed to be compiled after 1950s), this does not hold water as Jeungsan had already passed into Heaven several decades before that time. This disqualifies the verse from being a basis for asserting Prophecies of Jeong Gam as an influence on Daesoon Thought. Contrary to the original assertion, there is a considerable amount of evidence that Prophecies of Chochang absorbed aspects of Daesoon Thought, which were simply revised in a novel way. There is no truly compelling evidence underpinning the argument that Prophecies of Jeong Gam had a unilateral impact on Daesoon Thought. There seems to be a great deal of confusion and numerous misinterpretations on this matter. Therefore, the claim that Daesoon Thought, as developed by Jeungsan, was influenced by the discourse on dynastic revolution and feng shui contained in Prophecies of Jeong Gam should be re-examined at the level of its very premise.