• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.381-403
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• 2021

Cheonsubara Dance is one of the most important ceremonies in Buddhist rituals. This paper is a study on principles of Cheonsubara Dance in Yeongnam. This also distinguishes the Cheonsubara Dance performed for about 7 minutes with no patterns according to 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases' by dance words, and analizes its combinations and principles. Cheonsubara Dance in Yeongnam consists of 7 dance words(Greeting, Carrying, Carrying with 180° rotation, Bara-Garugi, Bara-Garugi with both hands, rotate once, Bara-chigi), and put together according to the number of letters from 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases'. Usually, the principles can be seen through 4 types of changes from the dance: 1) When letters of 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases' appear consecutively with the same number of characters, 2) When a two-letter word turns into a three-letter word, 3) When the opposite of 2) occurs, 4) When 2~3 letter words change in a row.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.185-212
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• 2011

Buddhist dance (seungmu) is a crux and highlight of Korean traditional dance; its aesthetics and technique are extraordinary, and Korean dance's unique style is well expressed. The Buddhist dance, which has been descended, is divided into Han Yeong Suk style, which is designated as Important Intangible Asset Number 27, and Lee Mae Bang style. While the two dances are same one, area is difference and they have unique style because of genealogical difference. However, studies on Buddhist dance so far have focused on single style's dance, or comparison of regional aspects (Han Yeong Suk dance is from Gyeonggi and Lee Mae Bang dance is from Honam area). But, Lee Byeong Ok suggested traditional artist dance is differed by male dance genealogy and female dance (gibang) genealogy dance, and while folk dance has storng tie with region, but artist dance has weak regional tie. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to study genealogical character of Buddhist dance's dancing style, clarifying Han Yeong Suk dance is male dance genealogy and Lee Mae Bang dance is gibang dance genealogy. In other words, among three theses that compared Lee Mae Bang and Han Yeong Suk dances, one analyzing movement, one comparing dance of invocation and one comparing traditional ballad, are re-analyzed from genealogical perspective and characteristics are comparatively analzyed. The overall summary of the genealogical attitude of the Han Yeong Suk and Lee Mae Ban dances is; First, Han's dance has masculinity, upwardness, progressiveness, activeness, outgoing character, boldness and grace, which are character of male dance lineage, while Lee's dance shows feminity, downwardness, backwardness, aesthecity, inwardness, delicacy and coquette. Second, the most expressed parts of the attitude of two dances are genealogical character, and then are original and regional characters. Third, two dances have strong genealogical attitude, but also has anti-genealogical attitude since the gender of descendent was changed, in other words Lee Mae Bang was man, and Han Yeong Suk was woman. Fourth, even though the two Buddhist dances have different genealogy and region, they share similarities as traditional dance descended in the same time period, so there are many common features. In other words, the two dances are Korean nation's dance and from same time period, but they should not be mixed, either. Even though they have small differences, they must keep each genealogy and descend to the next generation.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.5
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• pp.215-228
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to analyze the trends of research themes of the Korean dance in recent 20 years using text mining. The study has analyzed 3,047 words in 1,468 academic papers posted in the Research & Information Services Section(RISS). TEXTOM, a big data analysis solution, has been used to refine and analyse data, and the keyword analysis and topic modeling have been adopted during the text-mining process to come up with meaningful results. First, the theme of studies has shifted from the structure of the basic Korean dance moves to the use and transmission of the Korean dance. Second, those who participate in studies of the Korean dance have changed from middle-aged women to elderly women. Third, studies on dance records have been inactivated. Fourth, studies on Choi Seung-hee have consistently been a subject of interest. Fifth, the focus of studies has turned from the Korean creative dance to the Korean traditional dance. Sixth, there are no iconic research themes that would lead the academic trends with no clear boundaries of research themes.

• 기호학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.37-63
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• 2018

In this study, we tried to represent representative animals in traditional dance and study about cultural symbolic representations that symbolize them, thus meaning Korean worship of animal worship and philosophy of life and discuss the identity of Korean traditional art. This is to ask fundamental questions about Korean culture and art, and to express the cultural philosophical reason for the representation of animal imitation. Therefore, Korean animal imitation dance was able to get a glimpse of Koreans' recognition of artistic value which is reflected in dance beyond simple cultural code. In other words, it was found that not only magic and sexual metaphors but also the adaptive attitude through natural friendly life and the ethical practice in reality were inspired by artistic aesthetics.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.33 no.6
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• pp.21-34
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• 2012

This study examined the effects of physical activities using Korean dance upon the motor abilities of young children. The subjects of this study were divided into 2 groups. The first group was an experimental group (boy=12, girl=13) who participated in the Korean dance class and the other group was a comparative group (boy=11, girl=14). Experiments were performed during 18 sessions for 9 weeks. The study findings are as follows. First, physical activities using Korean dance had positive effects upon the development of basic motor abilities in young children. In terms of these basic motor abilities, movement motor ability and whole muscle operation motor ability showed significant differences between the pre-test and post-test stage in the experiment group and between the experimental and comparative groups in the post-test stage. On the other hand, in terms of non-movement motor abilities, there was a significant difference between the pre- and post-test stages for the experimental group, but no significant difference in the post-test stage for the experimental or comparative groups. Second, physical activities using Korean dance had positive effects upon the development of perceptive motor abilities in young children. In other words, in the sub-variables of perceptive motor abilities, there were significant differences between the pre- and post-test stages of the experimental group which experienced physical activities using Korean dance. In conclusion, the study findings showed that physical activities using Korean dance had positive effects upon the increase of both basic motor abilities and perceptive motor abilities in young children. Additionally, the experimental group exhibited more positive effects in the various areas of motor abilities than the comparative group.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.40
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• pp.5-27
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• 2010

The Korean Mask-Dance Theatre has been developed closely related to Korean Shaman rituals. As many scholars noticed, the performers of the Mask-Dance Theatre were closely related to the Shaman family. In addition, there are mask-dance performances in actual shaman rituals. and are the representative performances among them. This essay intends to compare these two mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals to the similar performance of Old Grandpa and Grandma episode in the regional Mask-Dance Theatre. This study would bring us further in proving the close relation between the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. is one episode, Keori, in the shaman ritual of 'Baeyeonsin-kut' and 'Taedong-kut' in the mid-west seashore area. 'Taedong-kut' is the village shaman ritual for fertility and prosperity, while 'Baeyeonsin-kut' is a private shaman ritual for a large catch of the ship. is held in the later part of the whole shaman ritual since the later part tend to be more for entertainment than actual ritual. The story of is very similar that of in Pongsan Mask-Dance Theatre of the mid-west region. In addition, some of their dialogues are very similar. Only the later part is different. These similarities indicate that the Mask-Dance Theatre, which came into being in later period than the shaman ritual, has likely taken the story motif of the shaman ritual. is also a performance in the shaman ritual of east coasts. is more elaborate and recreational than of the west coasts. is also performed near the end of the ritual, and sometimes it is not performed at all. This indicates that has little ritual meaning left. When we compare it with the regional Mask-Dance Theatres such as Keosung Okwangdae, Tongyong Okwangdae, and Suyong Yaryu, the structure and the story lines are also very similar. It is a question why only the motif of the Grandpa and Grandma isfound both in the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. Many other motifs of other episodes in the Mask-Dance Theatre are not found in the shaman rituals. It seems that the Grandpa and Grandma motif is related to the ur-belief in fertility. In other words, this motif seems to be originated from the old belief in the fertility couple of Chonha Taechanggun and Jiha Yeochanggun. The shaman ritual for fertility first picked up this motif, and then the mask-dance theatre also adapted this motif for its recreational purpose. When we compare with , still has more aspects of fertility ritual, while lost its ritualistic meaning and its main purpose is to develop dramatic needs. and are invaluable existent performances to prove theatre's origin in ritual. The existence of mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals shows us the transit performance between theatre and ritual.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.195-222
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• 2016

This study says that giving a life through the mixed power of motions which can not be fixed. It is a fundamental activity of the art of dance. In the fact, the art of dance is defined as the most instinctive and intuitive arts show that dance is a harmony of emotion on the body, thus, this view wants to discuss the relations between "sense and body". This view doesn't focus on the mere motions of dancing form, but characterizes dance as an art of another vitality through the mixture and combination of these motions. In other words, this study emphasizes that dance transcends time and space on stages, and that dance, as an expression of identity, is an art which shows a sense from inside of human. Therefore, when we want to understand the true meaning of the art of dance, we should attend what attributes of dance define it as an art and show its creative. This study, thus, seeing those attributes as the life-giving function of dance, aims to help understand the principle meaning of the art of dance that realizes creation as well as the attitudes of audience who appreciate the art of dance. And by doing so, this study contemplates how we should see the creative idea of choreography, forming sympathy and the art of dance.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Trans-
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• v.6
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• pp.43-78
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• 2019

Dance is an art that includes not only art historical facts, but also a series of processes for dancers' body, choreography, and the creation of entire process of dances and their lives. In other words, dance is the art of embodying the experience and consciousness of the dancer as the subject, and embodying it through the physical body, and therefore, the existing empirical study which relies solely on the literature in the history of dance study is difficult to deliver a complete history. Oral history is a new methodology historical writing that overcomes the limitations of research methods based on literature centered documents. Oral history in the field of dance is that the dancer becomes the subject of the history of dance's narrative. The memory and testimony of a dancer can become a history, complement the missing parts of the documentary record, and amount to analysis and interpretation to attempt the history of dance from various perspectives. The history of dance through oral history analysis thus generates another view from the literature. The oral history is acted as a prism that can explore the sociocultural discourse of the time and the history of dance. As a new academic challenge for the history of dance field, I expect to be able to review the artistic, social, and cultural functions and roles of dance beyond the limit of existing literature-oriented history study and to be able to progress to various the history of dance.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.185-221
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• 2011

This study overseas compatriots in the North during the propagation and development of dance patterns and was going to be based, people living outside of the dance culture as a group of overseas Koreans, especially dance culture of Koreans in Japan, China are interested in and thought about the necessity of the study. Issues discussed in the literature of research results, autonomous community of Koreans in Japan ethnic Koreans and Chinese dance culture dance Choi Seung-hee starting point common was, two ethnic groups, directly or indirectly from the Choi Seung-hee learn to dance or have received specialized training to work, compiled by Choi Seung-hee Korea on the basis of basic dance training was learning the dance. In addition, specialized training and dance training institutions in the North Koreans in Japan Social Dance Group for the system, such as dance training in a separate place where talented people through the exhaust, to act in a professional troupes have maintained a system. In contrast, Chinese ethnic Koreans in Yanbian Autonomous University and Central University for Nationalities in the dance departments are stationed there, the transfer from the Joseon dance dance by educating gifted talents have been dispose, South Korea and similar aspects of the dance education system can be seen. Dance work based training and the tendency of Koreans in Japan in terms of social practice and dance in the North of basic training as basic training and specialized training, and work to represent the North korea's famous dance folk dance performances have been transmitted intact. In China, however, ethnic Koreans Choi Seung-hee compiled by borough basis and the work of the North korean dance training or specialized training received directly from her, she founded the dance student of Choi Seung-hee developed basic techniques of Chinese ethnic dance and ethnic Koreans in China, while receiving only Sewonaga dance training system as a deal on exchanges with the North Korean dance dancing free dance culture for creation peppered ethnic Koreans in China was formed. When passed down to the time, Koreans in Japan since the 1960s, society began to visit Pyongyang in the 1970s, subjected to a direct transfer, and education and through the 1990s, the North Koreans in Japan by inviting dancers and dance directly to basic training by getting education bukhanchum As can be seen in the spectacular aspects will have to reproduce. However, ethnic Koreans in China in the 1950s in districts in Beijing, Pyongyang and received direct guidance from Choi Seung-hee, Dancers from the North after Pyongyang rather than direct guidance on the occasion of his visit to China Dance Troupe was affected. On the other hand Korean dance since the 1990s, starting with Ethnic Koreans in China only began to absorb a different dance culture has been created. The same nation, yet living in the region and to configure the ethnic groups, the configuration of the system and political system, according to the North Dancing transfer process and the development pattern similar, but each of the identities to ensure their own traits with a dance culture, the formation and develop the arrival of You can find out. In other words, Koreans in Japan and Federation of Koreans in Japan under the control of social forces of the dance culture by Acculturation variation of dance culture, dance culture of the borough ethnic Koreans in China Acculturation by the voluntary and free borrowers were able to gauge the changes in development.