Many States such as Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, California, New Mexico, Florida were obtained either from Spanish Empire or from Mexico. In 1848 due to the Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty America could obtain half of the original territory of Mexico. American identity cannot be understood without the history of American expansionism further consolidated by the Spanish-American War in 1898, which brought other ex-Spanish colonies such as Guam, Puerto Rico, the Philippines to the US. The US's interest in these territories dates back to the Monroe doctrine in 1823 when Monroe "declared the Americas off-limits to any new European colonization." America justifies their expansion based on the notion of Manifest Destiny which was created by O'Sullivan at the hight of American fever to annex Texas to US. The intent of this paper is to study how Anglo-Saxon and Latin Culture clashed against each other especially right before and after the Spanish-American War. In this study the American hero, Theodore Roosevelt and Latin American hero, $Jos{\acute{e}}$ Martí will be compared, though they did not meet each other during the Spanish-American war due to Marti's early death in 1895 at the battle for the Cuba Libre. Their comparison is significant in that the former represents the American expansionist spirit and the latter the spirit of Anti-imperialism and Anti-Anglocentrism. Along with the concept of Manifest Destiny of America, 'American exceptionalism' is also mentioned which motivates U.S. to expand further even after the Spanish-American war in the form of 'informal imperialism' characterized by 'gunboat politics'of the US. These discussions will draw attention to how recent theorists such as Bryce Traister criticizes the Border Theory represented by $Jos{\acute{e}}$ David Saldívar. Here the Border Theory is criticized to repeat the discourse of the globalized capitalism which prefers the weak state and the transnational aspects by focusing on the in-betweenness of the border. In the end the paper will focus on how the Border theory as represented by Saldivar is political enough and sets up a resistant example against American expansionism of today in its focus on the call for pan-American and pluri-versal subjectivity of the borderlands. This point will be supported by a discussion of how Saldivar's view is confirmed by Walter Mignolo who advocates the "bottom up" resistance of the indigenous people of Chiapas and other social forums such as World Social Forum and the Social Forum of the Americas derived from the Zapatistas' movement whose motto is "A World in which many world co-exist."
I hope to demonstrate in this paper the degree to which the works of Leonard and Virginia Woolf, mainly The Wise Virgins, The Village in the Jungle, and The Voyage Out, are contained within the politics of home. In doing so, I aim to challenge some mainstream criticism that affirms their resistance to British imperial desire. Although their statuses as outsiders in the British Empire, being a Jew and being a woman respectively, allowed Leonard and Virginia Woolf to criticize British imperialism and a male-dominated culture as well as racial and cultural hierarchies to a degree, their works inevitably unveil their prioritization of the British white-oriented space. In some ways their authorial positions in relation to their texts uphold the imperial center as an invisible regime of truth in their narratives, supporting the patriarchal and imperial binary oppositional structure and its hierarchical order imposed not only on the British subject but also on the foreign, colonial others. Leonard's and Virginia's inconsistencies and ambiguities betray their racial distantiation and notions of British white superiority, as disclosed in their racially stereotyped descriptions and the absence of real communication between the British characters and the colonial, foreign others. The work of self-repetition, the major mechanism in the politics of home, dies hard in Leonard's and Virginia's 'antiimperial' works. Leonard's and Virginia's struggle to stand against the imperial desire needs a genuine ethical position in order to embrace the Other, which would allow us to explore further and guard against the pitfall of postcolonial criticism's being easily degenerated into a neo-colonial criticism, another politics of home.
The systematic research on the Joseon history under Japanese imperialism in the 1920s, including that of the Joseon History Compilation Committee, was one of the stratagems that Japan employed to perpetuate the colonization of Joseon. The 'renovation of national traits', one of the three cultural measures taken by Japanese imperialism after the 1919 Independence Movement, was an attempt to degrade Joseon's nationality as extraneous, dependent, factional, and uncivilized. Against this, Koreans tried to create their own tradition that could prove Joseon's uniqueness and independence. The purpose of their study on ancient history, which became animated in the 1920s, was not to escape from the reality of Joseon into the idealized past, but to construct the history of Korean people anew. In this context, Dangun could refer to cultural identity as the communal origin of the nation, and this invented identity could lead to the healing of the injured subject. An Hwak's attempt was part of this efforts to call out myth as history. He suggests that Joseon's national traits are superior even to the Western civilization in several ways, and his vast plan to set up Joseon's cultural uniqueness and identity as history of universal civilization bore fruit in the History of Joseon Civilization. With cultural research for figuring out Joseon's national peculiarity and identity and historiography for revealing Joseon's national potential, he makes it possible for people to imagine various agents in the Joseon's past as belonging to a single nation with an identical history. Through his study on Joseon, he fought back the Japanese colonial view of history and tried to exalt national consciousness. Asserting independent and rational individuals as agency of civilization and culture though firm in the national perspective, he eventually went a way quite different from that of Japanese history of culture.
The aim of this essay was to investigate Marlow's desire for constructing enlightenment subject of knowledge and power sustained by the collusion of imperialism and patriarchy in Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness. Marlow's narrative, based on his journey up the river in Africa to retrieve Kurtz, attempts to conceptualize himself as the subject of the enlightenment reason and rationality. In the novella, collusive network of ideologies of empire and gender contributes to the making of a Western Enlightenment subject. Marlow eulogizes himself for realizing the harsh realities of imperialism, political domination and economic exploitation of the natives in Africa. However, Marlow is a colonial subject who has been ruled by the hierarchical system of thought in the Western logocentrism. He is not aware that his narrative has already been infiltrated by the ideological discourse of the totalitarian enlightenment. His narrative in effect is not a self-congratulatory testimony to truth and realities but a narcissistic and self-defeating document. Marlow unconsciously employs the totalitarian ideologies of empire and gender in order to relegate the African natives to the inhuman existence and to consign women to the sphere of illusion.
As of today-half a century has passed after 1945, the liberation from Japanese imperialism-it's significant to introspect our culture. On the one hand our culture has succeeded due to the peculiar history, but on the other hand it hasn't. So to speak, it has gained in Quantity but lost in Quality. There are keen, international competition and exchange in the modern culture. So the Qualitive success of modern design depends on if it had an original character or not. According to Korean rapid industrialization, technological extence, and economic growth, the export has increased greatly, but package design hasn't been match for them. Korean expoters have been meeting with cutthroat competition in world market. Under these circumstances it's very important that we have a real understand and interest in our culture, we strengthen the competitive power of home products with good package design. This is our age of not home market but world market. We live in an age when design wins, so that we have to develop the good design native to Korea. Many designers have proposed their opinions with the characteristic designs, but it has been only a fragmentary and passive method. We must seek for the new method more positively. The effective and proper method resolves itself into the following four points. First, to understand Korean history and culture. Second, to have the exact grip of this economic situation. Third, to promote the national emotion. Fourth, in conclusion, to accord the package design with them. We cannot put off this task to overcome the cultural subordination, to place Korea on a firm cultural basis in the world, and to contribute to the cultural exchange of package design. First, to understand Korean history and culture. Second, to have the exact grip of this economic situation. Third, to promote the national emotion. Fourth, in conclusion, to accord the package design with them. We cannot put off this task to overcome the cultural subordination, to place Korea on a firm cultural basis in the world, and to contribute to the cultural exchange of package design.
Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
/
v.51
no.1
/
pp.103-124
/
2017
Korea and Japan have been influenced by one another through various points in their respective histories. During ancient times and throughout the Middle Ages, many aspects of culture and modern civilisation were conveyed from China to Japan via Korea. This trend changed in the second half of the $19^{th}$ century, as Japan opened its ports to foreign trade, completely reforming its own society before Korea followed suit. The aspects of modern civilisation and culture were thus subsequently conveyed to Korea from Japan. Not unlike Western cultures of the time, Japan also engaged in a pursuit of imperialism that resulted in its subjugation of Korea during the Japanese occupation. After Korea regained its independence following the Second World War, Koreans rebuilt their country largely on the basis of the social system Japan had left behind. 70 years later, differences from the Japanese model may nevertheless be observed in various areas. Library legislation is no exception. This paper provides a comparison of Korean and Japanese library laws. The comparison and consideration of the enactment and revision processes of library legislation of both countries reveals how differences in legislation developed and provides an analysis of the implementation of these differences.
Globalization and informatization today mean the world wide spread of the information made by America, the American mode of thinking, the American way of life, and the English language based on the world wide information network led by America. Under this worldly currents, all He Korean wish to learn English. Now English turns to be the essential means to survival in Korea. In this article, we try to interpret this blindly pursuit of English from the point of view of the war of languages. For this purpose, we begin to examine the position of English in the world from the perspective of linguistic imperialism. Next, we review the linguistic reality of South Korea penetrated by English from the perspective of officialization of English in Korea. Finally, we propose to modernize and informatiz Korean to fight against the penetration of English into Korean culture. It depends on the success or failure of the development of the computer system operated by Korean.
First published in 1934, George Orwell's Burmese Days, which can be read as an example of both descriptive realism and fictional realism, is considered to be a colonial example of British literature because of its publication date. However, based on the personal experience of the author as an imperial officer in Burma, the novel has an anti-imperialist tone, which can also make it possible to read it through postcolonial eyes. As a result, the novel stands as an example of ambivalence since it has both the colonial and the postcolonial perspective; both the colonizer and the colonized are portrayed with their own flaws, adding to the impact of what can be called "Third Space." This is why the voice of the imperial is heard in an anti-imperialist tone in Burmese Days, through which Orwell presents a critique of colonialism with a from-within approach.
The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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v.7
no.1
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pp.336-342
/
2021
Japanese imperialism initiated the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 and promulgated the Total National Mobilization Act in 1938, establishing a wartime total mobilization system. In the beginning of the wartime general mobilization system, Japanese colonialism focused on women's labor force and mobilized women both domestically and abroad. Women were forcibly mobilized to the Labor Patriotism Unit and Jeongshindae(Korean Women Labor Corps). Women had to take the place of home work as well as the work of men who had already been mobilized, and at the same time faced a poor situation of being forced to mobilize for war. The mobilization of Jeongshindae took place in various forms, such as recruitment, voluntary support by government offices, propaganda through schools or groups, job fraud, coercion or threats. Jeongshindae which was a representative victim of the forced mobilization of women during the Japanese colonial period, was individually litigated and remains an unresolved problem. In order to uncover the reality of the forced mobilization of women during the wartime general mobilization system, continuous research and social education through related organizations are required.
Over the last three decades, the field of American Studies has increasingly paid attention to transnational approaches in an effort to diversify and expand the field's concerns beyond the narrow sense of the nation-state in today's globalizing world. Yet, the mediation of the transnational requires a careful analysis of the nation that is still in transit. In this context, this essay examines Herman Melville's novel Moby-Dick (1851) as a case study that vividly shows how reading American literature and culture through transnationalism not only offers new interpretations of canonical texts, but also helps us to better understand the historical roots and cultural contexts of contemporary issues such as global labor and migration, US citizenship and racial justice. To address the complexity of the text's circulation and reproduction, coupled with US national ideology and cultural conditions, I first turn to the canonization of Melville's Moby-Dick during the Cold War era as a national project and then explore the possibilities of transnational readings by focusing on the politics of race and global capitalism in the nineteenth century whaling industry. In doing so, I argue that critical transnationalism allows readers to keep questioning about their own understanding of race, nation, and cultural identity while remaining attentive to the destructive force of US imperialism and global capitalism in the twenty-first century.
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