• Title/Summary/Keyword: Cultural Custom

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Comparative Study on Seasonal Festival and Food Culture among the Korea, China and Japan (한.중.일 세시풍속과 세시음식(歲時飮食)에 대한 비교)

  • Shin, Mee-Kyung;Chung, Hee-Chung
    • Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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    • v.18 no.3
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    • pp.277-293
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    • 2008
  • We conducted a consensual, expansive, and successive study to compare cultural differences and similarities between Korean, Chinese and Japanese's Seasonal Festivals and Foods documentarily. It showed interesting results that the three countries had celebrated with similar meanings, and shared similar events and special foods. Seasonal Festivals happen throughout the year sequentially: the New Year Day, January $15^{th}$(first full moon festival), March $3^{rd}$(double three day), May $5^{th}$(double five day), July $7^{th}$(double seven day) and finally the Year Farewell Festival. While, the festival of a royal birthday of Buddha happens on April $8^{th}$ in both countries: Korea and Japan. There is also one of the big festivals called the harvest moon festival on August $15^{th}$, and this event celebrates with special foods both in Korea and China. On December $23^{th}$, it is a special day for both Chinese and Japanese, but they celebrate the day with different meanings to it. Three countries have a special seasonal event celebrated each other. Koreans have a special event called Sambok to overcome summer with special food during a middle of June to the beginning of July. Chinese have a special event for overcoming winter with soup on December $8^{th}$. Japanese have a special event with rice cake to safety on January $11^{th}$. On these seasonal festivals, it is different to note that two different kinds of calendars are used. The lunar calendar is used by Koreans and Chinese whereas the solar calendar is used by Japanese. Because of the similarity in Buddhism, and agricultural industry, and especially sharing Chinese Characters in words, these three countries have in common in many ways to celebrate Seasonal Festival, and it is very unique custom in the world. Nowadays; however, these traditional events and special foods are changing in more simplified version and almost disappearing in all three countries. Therefore, we suggest that the Seasonal Festivals and Foods should be more emphasized in flourishing and exchanging between Korea, China and Japan.

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The Change and Characteristic of Spacial Structure from Rural Space to Urban Space : The Case of Hwamyeong-Dong of Buk-gu in Busan (농촌에서 도시로의 공간구조 변화와 특성 - 부산 북구 화명동을 중심으로 -)

  • Kong, Yoon Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.19 no.1
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    • pp.97-110
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    • 2013
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the change of spacial structure from rural space to urban space and to examine the characteristic of spacial restructure, focusing on the Hwamyeong-Dong of Buk-gu in Busan. Hwamyeong-Dong has changed from rural area to urban area because of spacial expansion owing to industrialization and urbanization. The unique natural environment, rural village, etc. were disappeared and instead the apartment complex, commercial building, and so on were built. For this reason, historic and concrete place were vanished and so the spacial homogenization and uniformization were formed centering around apartment complex. But the singularity of Hwamyeong-Dong exposes in the way that unique history, custom and memory, trace of Hwamyeong-Dong preserved through the support and effort of the residents and that the Daechen stream changed to ecological stream. In addition, Hwamyeong-Dong altered heterogeneous, multi-layered urban space from homogeneous rural space in terms of the apartment supply sectors and scale, the distribution and kind of commercial facility, residents's composition. This has brought about the subdivision, hierarchization of the space as well as the residence, education, culture. Especially, Hwamyeong3-Dong that built to large scale apartment complex are significantly different from Hwamyeong2-Dong. Hwamyeong2-Dong is marginalizing step by step. However, It is found that the residents in Hwamyeong2-Dong are making an effort for liveable place with ecological residential community and educational cultural community as the center.

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A Study of Local Festival for the China Hebeisheng (중국 하북성 마을제 연구 - 하북성조현범장이월이룡패회중룡신적여인(河北省趙縣范庄二月二龍牌會中龍神的與人) -)

  • Park, Kwang-Jun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.36
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    • pp.347-377
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    • 2003
  • China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

Characteristics of Bridal Palanquin Covers and Changes in Style from the late 19th Century to the early 20th Century (19세기 말~20세기 초 신부 가마덮개의 특성과 양식 변천)

  • PARK Yoonmee;OH Joonsuk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.2
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    • pp.80-98
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    • 2023
  • In the late Joseon Dynasty, when the bride would ride a palanquin when she went to live with her in-laws, it was a custom to cover the palanquin with tiger skin to ward off misfortunes that may come her way. The higher classes used tiger skin or leopard skin for this purpose, but the common people had to substitute this expensive item with a tiger pattern painted on a blanket. Such blankets were called hotanja, hogu, hoguyok and the like. The term "hotanja" is a pure Korean word. It is not known when the cover for the bridal palanquin was first used, but it was popular from the end of the 19th century and then gradually disappeared. This is due to the introduction of new Western style weddings that eliminated the need for a bridal palanquin. The tiger print blanket was used not only to cover the bride's palanquin but also to cover a table or floor during the wedding ceremony. This study ran a material analysis on nine pieces of tiger print blankets. All of the blanket artifacts examined in this study had an outer cover and a lining made of fabric that used cotton thread for the warp and wool thread for the weft. Two kinds of wool were found in the weft thread in the outer covers: fat-tailed sheep hair from China and goat hair for carpets from the Hebei province, China. Records show that "blankets with painted tiger patterns" were imported from Russia, and the imported blankets were from Russia and China. The outer cover can be categorized into six types, and the lining into three types depending on the weave and direction of the thread twist. The hem facing can be divided into four types. The lining and outer cover use the full width of the fabric, which was woven in wide widths of 135 cm or wider. The tiger pattern on the blanket was made by stenciling. The stencil design of the body and tail of the tiger were placed on a red blanket to be painted in white, and then the background color of the tiger, which is yellow, would be painted over the white, and then black stripes would be added. The pattern of the tiger varies, which shows that the blankets were made by various craftspeople. The pattern of the tiger print blanket is usually of a tiger lying down, but there were tiger print blankets with a tiger standing up. The pattern of the tiger grew smaller over time, and flower patterns were added in the background. Decorative elements were gradually added to the tiger print blanket patterns, but its function as a palanquin cover became lost. By taking the features of tiger print blankets into consideration, it can be assumed that there are imported pieces among the remaining pieces, and were produced in various places because it was popular at that time.

A Study On Interrelationship Between Korean And Mongolian Costume Laying Emphasis On The Age Of Mongolia's Invasion Upon Corea (한국(韓國).몽고복식(蒙古服飾)의 상관성(相關性) 연구(硏究)(II) - 고려시대(高麗時代)의 몽고침략기(蒙古侵略期)를 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Son, Kyung-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.16
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    • pp.15-42
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    • 1991
  • A nation's culture isn't consisted by the characteristics of the nation only, but it is greatly affected by the geographical features and natural conditions, and it could be also dominated by the continual effect through mutual contact on economic exchange or social problem and political interests with neighboring countries. It is a well known fact that the contact of culture between Korea and Mongolia established under the special political situation that Corea was invaded by Won. But more basically, the Nomad including Mongolia had influenced upon neighboring countries, therefore, our country was also greatly influenced on consisting of our own culture by them. Moreover. the fact that our language belongs to their language's category(mostly Tweigru and Mongolian language) proves that the origin of our culture was deeply related with Mongolia. Accordingly, we could not limit the cultural relation between Korea and Mongolia within a special era. But especially, since unification of China by Mongolia, Won which appeared as a new great nation had dominated Corea for one hundred years, and the Corea's costume culture had a point of conversion to the mongolian. Therefore, this study expects to comment upon the relations of costume between Corea and Mongolia from a view point of Corea's tribute and royal gifts gifts by Mongolia written on the reference literatures. 1) From the ancient times, between our country and Mongolia there has been a direct or indirect exchange caused by the people's movement or invasion due to very closed neighboring. The relations between Corea and Mongolia have started from the mongolia's requests of tribute for the reason why they helped Corea against the Keoran's invasion, and these relation had continued by King Kongmin's age. 2) Mongolia had plundered a tribute such as dress, cereals, horses, military supplies, soldiers, maiden and little girls etc. from Corea, and therefore, a great confusion occurred on political, economic and social fields. And since King Chungyoul of Corea got married with a Princess of Won, the Corea's position was placed as the Buma nation(nation of son in law) and then high class people of Corea preferred to follow the mongolian costume such as Byunbal (pigtail), Ho dress (mongolian dress), Rouges, Chockturi (a kind of formal cap) and Doturak pigtail ribbon, and some have been applied up to date. On the other hand, the custom of Corea had transmitted to the Mongolian nobility, they called it "Corea Yang(style)". 3) The costume of Corea could be divided into three different periods, the first is the period influenced by Tang and Song's regime, the second is affected by the Won's costume and the third is applying the Myung's regime in the end of Corea. The Mongolian dress was based on the Ho dress form and it has been developed through compounding artistic traditional fields and foreign customs in long history. And Mongolia is composed of various tribes, therefore, they have their own dress for each tribe. Our country and Mongolia had a similar dress form based on Ho dress and both used the Chacksukunggo (jacket with small sleeves and slacks) and Seon(line). And the ornaments of costume such as Chockturi, Doturak pigtail ribbon and Rouges had transmitted and fixed down as a traditional wedding garment, but the Rouges has been used by noble women from the ancient times in our country. Since a member of the Society of Korean Costume has visited Mongolia in August 1990 for the first time, I really recognized the neccesity of more detailed study on the costume relation between Korea and Mongolia, and I will proceed with the study on various fields of costume under cooperation of Institute of Oriental Academy of Mongolia.

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A Research on Comparison of Cultural Idea of Horse Between Korea and Mongolia - In view of customs related to horse in Korea and Mongolia (한·몽 말 문화 연구 시론 -한국과 몽골의 말과 관련된 세시풍속을 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Eun-Sook
    • Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.347-358
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    • 2004
  • In Mongolia which consists of nomadic populations, horse has been loved by nomads and considered most important transportation means. Horses have been used when they were making long journey looking for new plain ground for grazing. Therefore, horse is closely connected with Mongolian nomadic culture. In Korea, too, horses had been considered one of most important means for transportation and military. The symbolism of horse that is represented in both Mongolia and Korea is Heavenly Horse which communicates with the God and it was sanctified as a Sacrificing Horse which was sent to God for sacrifice, and it was even worshiped as Divine Horse, the diety. As is the case of two of Mongolian customs associated with Mongolian language are 'the ceremony of horse's giving birth her young' and 'the ceremony of letting the mare go where it was before', all the cases are related with cattle's milk. The ceremony of 'horse's giving birth her young' is the ceremony where people hope that they would see the young can grow well which were born in early summer thus increasing the numbers of horse. To go with this, they perform a ceremony of Chachal in which they sprinkle the best quality white milk which is the symbol of good luck and hope they would produce plentiful of dairy products. The ceremony of 'letting the mare go where it was before' is also the ceremony where people hope to have many new born young horses thus produce more dairy products and Airag for the next year as milking is no more available for that you. Since the unified Silla Era, Koreans have performed a sacrifice rituals to horse in auspicious day. It's purpose is to see their horses get no disease and bear as many youngs as possible. The Back Ins Je, one of well blown festivals in Jeju Island, was originated from people's wish to prosper in stock farming. It can be said that the custom of Korea and Mongolia related with horse's giving birth was originated from the wishes to god for fertility and fecundity. On top of that, while Mongolians sprinkled horse's milk both on the ground and to the air hoping they would have increased houses and, thus, secure many dairy products, Koreans wish that they would see the increased number of horses and their healthy conditions through heavenly rituals.

Tie Spatial Structure of Ch'ang-ts'ai-ts'un Village A Case Study on a Rural Village of Korean Immigrants in Yen-pien Area of China (중국(中國) 연변지구(延邊地區) 조선족(朝鮮族)마을의 구성(構成) 룡정시 지신향 장재촌을 대상으로)

  • Lee, Kyu Sung
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.83-99
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    • 1994
  • Ch'ang-Ts'al-Ts'un is a rural Village near Lung-jing City in Yen-pien Korean Autonomous Province of China. It was formed about 100 years ago by Korean Immigrants and has been developed maintaing the characteristics of traditional Korean architecture. Therefore investigating the spatial structure of this village is a meanigful work to confirm and explore one branch of Korean architecture. This study aims at analyzing the spatial structure of the village using direct data collected from the field work and indirect data from books and maps. The field work consists of on-the-site survey of the village layout, interviews of residents, observation notes and photography. Ch'ang-Ts'ai-Ts'un is located 360-370 m high above the sea level and at the side of a long valley. A river flows in the middle of the valley and relatively flat arable land exists at the both sides of the river. The location of the village related to the surrounding river and mountains suggests that the site of the village was chosen according to Feng-Shui, Chinese and Korean traditional architectural theory. The main direction of the house layouts is South-western. The village has been growing gradually until today. Therefore it is meaningful to make the village layout before Liberation(1946 A.D.) because the characteristics of Korean architecture prevailed more in that period. The area of the previous village is limited to the west side of the creek. New houses were later added to the east of the creek, forming a 'New Village'. Previously the village was composed of 3 small villages: Up, Middle and Down. Also the main access roads connecting the village with the neighboring villages were penetrating the village transversely. Presently the main access road comes to the village longitudinally from the main highway located in front of the village. The retrospective layout shows the existence of well-formed Territory, Places and Axes, thus suggesting a coherent Micro-cosmos. The boundary of imaginery territory perceived by present residents could be defined by linking conspicous outside places sorrounding the village such as Five-mountains, Front-mountain, Shin-dong village, Standing-rock, Rear-mountain and Myong-dong village. Inside the territory there are also the important places such as Bus-stop, Memorial tower of patriots, Road-maitenance building and the village itself. And inside it 5 transverse and 1 longitudinal axes exist in the form of river, roads and mountains. The perceived spatial structure of the village formed by Places, Axes and Territory is geometrical and well-balanced and suggests this village is fit for human settlement. The administrative area of the village is about 738 ha, 27 % of which is cultivated land and the rest is mountain area. Initially the village and surrounndings were covered with natural forest But the trees have been gradually cut down for building and warning houses, resulting in the present barren and artificial landscape with bare mountains and cultivated land. At present the area of the village occupied by houses is wedge-shaped, 600 m wide and 220 m deep in its maximum. The total area of the village is $122,175m^{2}$. The area and the rate of each sub-division arc as follow. 116 house-lots $91,465m^{2}$ (74.9 %) Land for public buildings and shops $2,980m^{2}$ (2.4 %) Roads $17,106m^{2}$ (14.0 %) Creek $1,356m^{2}$ (1.1 %) Vacant spaces and others $9,268m^{2}$ (7.6 %) TOTAL $122,175m^{2}$ (100.0 %) Each lot is fenced around with vertical wooden pannels 1.5-1.8 m high and each house is located to the backside of the lot. The open space of a lot is sub-divided into three areas using the same wooden fence: Front yard, Back yard and Access area. Front and back yards are generally used for crop-cultivation, the custom of which is rare in Korea. The number of lots is 116 and the average size of area is $694.7m^{2}$. Outdoor spaces in the village such as roads, vacant spaces, front yard of the cultural hall, front yard of shops and spacse around the creek are good 'behavioral settings' frequently used by residents for play, chatting, drinking and movie-watching. The road system of the village is net-shaped, having T-junctions in intersections. The road could be graded to 4 categories according to their functions: Access roads, Inner trunk roads, Connecting roads and Culs-de-sac. The total length of the road inside the village is 3,709 m and the average width is 4.6 m. The main direction of the road in the village is NNE-SSE and ESE-WNW, crossing with right angles. Conclusively, the spatial structure of Ch'ang-Ts'ai-Ts'un village consists of various components in different dimensions and these components form a coherent structure in each dimension. Therefore the village has a proper spatial structure meaningful and appropriate for human living.

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A Study on the Excavated Sab(a funeral fan) from Lime-filled Tomb and Lime-layered Tomb during the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 회격·회곽묘 출토 삽(翣)에 대한 고찰)

  • Yi, Seung Hae;An, Bo Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.43-59
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    • 2008
  • Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.

Korea's Street Processions and Traditional Performing Arts (한국의 가두행렬(街頭行列)과 전통연희)

  • Jeon, KyungWook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.18
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    • pp.513-557
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    • 2009
  • The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.