• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.748-761
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• 2008

This study was initiated out of necessity to inquire into the trend of costume regulation between the mid-15th century and mid-17th century, and what influence the change of dress and its ornaments had on the people at the time. As for the resources this study was based on, the True Record of Joseon Dynasty, which was the historical record of official compilation, was used as basic material, and the excavated relics at the time were referred to. The forbidden dress and ornaments mentioned in the records from the time of King Seonjong to the time of King Hyeonjong were classified into textiles, clothes, ornaments and dresses, according to the objects. It was designed to identify the laws and ordinances or regulations enacted by the state and the contents of discussions, which were caused by the extensive consumption of silk gauze and fabrics and the luxury in dress and ornaments, and the phenomenon induced by the consumption desire of the social class with economic power, and to help understand the cause. So to speak, the law and ordinance or regulations were established to solve the social problems caused by the failure in controlling dress and ornaments wearing based on social position, during the process in which the king and court officials were making effort to intensify their political power in each regime.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.44
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• pp.5-17
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• 1999

This paper studies women's clothing and textiles recorded in the『the Odes』, and refers research materials on the old commentaries about the『the Odes』and the various kinds of records and remains. The results regarding women's clothing in『the Odes』are follow: 1. Ti-i, Chin-i are the women's ceremonial dresses. Ti-i is a kind of the court dress and the shape is a long dress embroidered with pheasant. Chan-i belongs to the lower grade compared with the six ritual dresses worn by the queen and is made of Hu that is a kind of the white soft-wrinkled fabrics. 2. A women's I-Shang is composed of a blouse and a skirt. It is the classic style before the Sh n-I appears in China. Also we find that they use the standard colours for a blouse and the intermediate colours for a skirt in Chou period. 3. Chiung-I, Chiung-Shang and Hsieh-Pen are a kind of the robe put over the former garment made of Chin not to display to elegance. 4. Fu, Ch n-Fa, Pei and T'i are a kind of women's wig. Ti and the six-Chia are women's hair ornaments. Ch'i-Chin and Ju-L are a kind of the working women's turbun. 5. The women's belt ornaments are classified into the practical things and the decorational things like those for men. The results regarding fabrics in the『the Odes』are as follow: 1. The silk fabrics; There are Chin, Hu, Chou, Tz , Su, Hsiu. 2. The woolen fabrics; There is Ho. 3. The linen fabrics; There are the hemp and the ramie in the remains of Chou period. Also there are Ch'ih and Hsi categorized in Ko fabrics.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.58 no.7
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• pp.60-75
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• 2008

A history of Chinese Costume is that of the accept and the struggle between the 'Shen- Yi' of Han(漢) race and 'Ho-Bok' of foreign races. There are the 'Shen-Yi Ko' and the 'Ho-Bok Ko' in their representative documentary. They are quite significant materials for the researchers of the Oriental costume. The purpose of this study about comparing and analyzing the 'Shen-Yi Ko' and the 'Ho-Bok Ko' give a guidance to Chinese costume's researchers. The results of study are as follows: The 'Shen-Yi', having made a dress joined an upper to the low clothing together(上衣下裳) and deeply covered the parts of all the bodies, was named, had appeared the Spring-Autumn & warring state period(春秋戰國時代) and later the former Han Dynasty(前漢). Not only everyone in spite of men and women, without distinction of rank, high and low alike but also even the court dress(朝服) and from latter Han Dynasty(後漢) only the housewives could have worn it. The 'Shen- Yi Ko' disappeared its records and remains and at present nothing leave behind. The 'Ho-Bok' is a costume of the nomadic horse-riding people among the foreign races, then influenced upon the Chinese costume. The style of the Chinese costume consists of 'Yi Sang'(衣裳) and the 'Ho-bok' of foreign races, 'Yi Ko'(衣袴). The 'Yi Ko'((衣袴), derived from the King Muryoung of Cho Dynasty, had greatly been changed the chinese men's clothing and After that 'Ko Sup'(袴褶). The Chinese have enjoyably and familiarly the accepted 'Ho Bok' for a long time.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.61-76
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• 2014

The "ShikLyoChanYo", written in 1460 by JunSoonYi (全循義), master court doctor in JoSeon (朝鮮) Dynasty, is the very first specialty publication of Korean dietary treatment existing today. Both Chinese and Korean scholars have assumed that this book had been lost long time ago. In November 2003, however, a Korean philologist found a version of the book, Yangyang (襄陽, a district name in Korea), and this book has attracted a lot of interest of Korean traditional medical science and agricultural science since then. This paper is to dissert the document of food therapy from the book with profound document study and statistical analysis in the fields of traditional Chinese medicine and traditional Korean medicine on dietetics. It completes the study of the application of all the dietetic treatments according to symptoms of diseases and all the plants and medication applied to cure chronic conditions that are clinically examined for the purpose of food therapy. A general survey on sundry records related to this food therapy of the "ShikLyoChanYo" has been done to make this dissertation and it carried out a statistic analysis of all the dietetic mixing technique of all plants and medication. Among other symptoms of illnesses from the book, there are 7 frequently addressed ailments chosen from the aspect of food therapy - a stroke, a disease diagnosed by thirst, a serious cough, an ache resulting from numbness, a disease relating to stomach, blurry vision and weak hearing, and a drinking related disease. This part is to discuss these illnesses and how to cure them with food based on its characteristics and rules of application.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.27-50
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• 2024

This paper examines issues concerning conflicts between arbitral awards and public interests, particularly with respect to economic sanctions. Sanctions have been widely used by political entities, such as States and organizations, as means to promote public interests and to resolve cross-border disputes. In particular, economic sanctions have been increasingly more visible in recent years due to the accelerating fragmentation of the international communities, and their magnitude and range of the impacts have grown accordingly. For example, the U.S. and the EU have imposed economic sanctions on Russia and related persons in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The U.S. recently re-introduced a comprehensive economic sanction on Iran. One of the notable impacts of the sanctions, particularly economic sanctions, is that on international arbitration. Sanctions are essentially built on the notion of the protection of public interests, and public interests are some of the few grounds upon which recognition and enforceability or arbitral awards may be rejected. However, jurisprudence on such conflict between sanctions and arbitral awards have not been sufficiently addressed in Korea because court case and administrative decision records on this conflict have not been sufficiently accumulated. In this regard, this paper begins with offering a survey of the concept of public interests, economic and trade sanctions, arbitral awards and their enforceability, and the relationships between them. It then examines the mechanism upon which public interests, trade and economic sanctions may lead certain arbitral awards unenforceable. Next, the paper suggests judiciaries' balanced approach toward the public interests protected by trade and economic sanctions and the predictability and fairness in the enforcement of arbitral awards. Finally, this paper concludes with the methods of the implementation of such balanced approach.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.7
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• pp.643-654
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to examine the implications of religious activities to longevity in a perspective of religious people in the ancient near east. The major sources of the study are the records of Adad-Guppi in the Neo-Babylonian Empire, prayers of Daniel in the Old Testament and records of Anna in the New Testament. The research method is a synchronic method based on final forms of the texts. Adad-Guppi lived for 104 years with temple-centered lives, fasting-like dedication, prayer and mission for the nation. Daniel fasted and prayed for the return of Jewish nation, and restoration of the city and the temple in Jerusalem, resulting in longevity of late eighties in the court of Babylon. Anna lived for more than 100 years old with her life mission for the messiah in spite of limitations of her times as an old widow. The implications of religious activities with temple-centered lives, fasting, prayer, and mission for the ages are understood to be beneficial to longevity in a perspective of the ancient near east.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.134-146
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• 2011

Gyeokgu is a group ball game transmitted into the Joseon Dynasty period as acquiring a great vogue among the royal palace and people in Goryeo Dynasty after being introduced into the country from China. This research aimed through historical investigation to look into the form in which the Goryeo dynasty's kings enjoyed Gyeokgu game, and the historical-spatial signification and the locational characteristics of Gujeong(the ground where play Gyeokgu) which is the courtyard where Gyeokgu game was held centering around the Goryeo dynasty's palace where Gyeokgu was prosperous most. We researched and analyzed the data for research after extracting the records related to Gyeokgu from three historical data of the true records of the Goryeo Dynasty. Upon investigation, twelve among 34 kings of the past generations were concerned with Gyeokgu in Gyeokgu game participation form, and 46 times were recorded in historical records in total. In the participation form, kings participated personally in 9 times among 46 Gyeokgu games, and viewed games in case of 37 times. Among these kings, the 18th generation king Uijong was recorded most as 17 times(36.9%) in Gyeokgu records. Places where Gyeokgu were held were 25 places in total including royal palace, detached palace, Lu-jeong, Buddhist temple, private residences, markets and streets, other outside of the royal court and so on, and 46 time-Gyeokgu games in total were held in these places. 21 time(45.6%)-Gyeokgu games were held in only 5 detached place among these places. So, detached palace were used most for Gyeokgu games. In particular, Gyeokgu games were held most in Suchanggung palace and Jangwonjeong palace among these detached palaces, and all these things were recorded during the reign of King Uijong. Gyeokgu game which was prevalent by the end of the Goryeo Dynasty showed a progression to a national festival which kings, personally coming into streets or Jeoja(an archaic word for "market"), enjoyed with the crowd.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.37-81
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• 2015

AirAsia QZ8501 Jet departed from Juanda International Airport in, Surabaya, Indonesia at 05:35 on Dec. 28, 2014 and was scheduled to arrive at Changi International Airport in Singapore at 08:30 the same day. The aircraft, an Airbus A320-200 crashed into the Java Sea on Dec. 28, 2014 carrying 162 passengers and crew off the coast of Indonesia's second largest city Surabaya on its way to Singapore. Indonesia's AirAsia jet carrying 162 people lost contact with ground control on Dec. 28, 2014. The aircraft's debris was found about 66 miles from the plane's last detected position. The 155 passengers and seven crew members aboard Flight QZ 8501, which vanished from radar 42 minutes after having departed Indonesia's second largest city of Surabaya bound for Singapore early Dec. 28, 2014. AirAsia QZ8501 had on board 137 adult passengers, 17 children and one infant, along with two pilots and five crew members in the aircraft, a majority of them Indonesian nationals. On board Flight QZ8501 were 155 Indonesian, three South Koreans, and one person each from Singapore, Malaysia and the UK. The Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 departed from Kuala Lumpur International Airport on March 8, 2014 at 00:41 local time and was scheduled to land at Beijing's Capital International Airport at 06:30 local time. Malaysia Airlines also marketed as China Southern Airlines Flight 748 (CZ748) through a code-share agreement, was a scheduled international passenger flight that disappeared on 8 March 2014 en route from Kuala Lumpur International Airport to Beijing's Capital International Airport (a distance of 2,743 miles: 4,414 km). The aircraft, a Boeing 777-200ER, last made contact with air traffic control less than an hour after takeoff. Operated by Malaysia Airlines (MAS), the aircraft carried 12 crew members and 227 passengers from 15 nations. There were 227 passengers, including 153 Chinese and 38 Malaysians, according to records. Nearly two-thirds of the passengers on Flight 370 were from China. On April 5, 2014 what could be the wreckage of the ill-fated Malaysia Airlines was found. What appeared to be the remnants of flight MH370 have been spotted drifting in a remote section of the Indian Ocean. Compensation for loss of life is vastly different between US. passengers and non-U.S. passengers. "If the claim is brought in the US. court, it's of significantly more value than if it's brought into any other court." Some victims and survivors of the Indonesian and Malaysia airline's air crash case would like to sue the lawsuit to the United States court in order to receive a larger compensation package for damage caused by an accident that occurred in the sea of Java sea and the Indian ocean and rather than taking it to the Indonesian or Malaysian court. Though each victim and survivor of the Indonesian and Malaysia airline's air crash case will receive an unconditional 113,100 Unit of Account (SDR) as an amount of compensation for damage from Indonesia's AirAsia and Malaysia Airlines in accordance with Article 21, 1 (absolute, strict, no-fault liability system) of the 1999 Montreal Convention. But if Indonesia AirAsia airlines and Malaysia Airlines cannot prove as to the following two points without fault based on Article 21, 2 (presumed faulty system) of the 1999 Montreal Convention, AirAsia of Indonesiaand Malaysia Airlines will be burdened the unlimited liability to the each victim and survivor of the Indonesian and Malaysia airline's air crash case such as (1) such damage was not due to the negligence or other wrongful act or omission of the air carrier or its servants or agents, or (2) such damage was solely due to the negligence or other wrongful act or omission of a third party. In this researcher's view for the aforementioned reasons, and under the laws of China, Indonesia, Malaysia and Korea the Chinese, Indonesian, Malaysia and Korean, some victims and survivors of the crash of the two flights are entitled to receive possibly from more than 113,100 SDR to 5 million US$ from the two airlines or from the Aviation Insurance Company based on decision of the American court. It could also be argued that it is reasonable and necessary to revise the clause referring to bodily injury to a clause mentioning personal injury based on Article 17 of the 1999 Montreal Convention so as to be included the mental injury and condolence in the near future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.38-51
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• 2015

In the maps of the period, there were three large ponds called Dongji(東池), Seoji(西池) and Namji(南池) in Hanyang, the capital of Joseon Dynasty. They were different than the ponds found in the palace, civic buildings, and private dwellings. Dongji, Seoji and Namji were ponds relating to Fortress wall of Seoul, and all had lotuses cultivated in them. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the locational and spatial characteristics of these ponds and to detail the construction and reconstruction process and management conditions through maps, drawings, illustrations, historical records and literary works from the urban environmental perspective. The results are as follows. First, Seoji and Namji were intended for Bibo(裨補) which redeemed the geographical weaknesses of Hanyang, securement of bright court water(明堂水), supplement for fire energy(火氣), fire preventive water and waterscape facilities, while Dongji was emphasized on protecting water mouth(水口) besides Bibo and securement of bright court water. Second, Seoji was connected to mountain streams and Dongji and Namji were to ditches. The ponds connected to ditches had been difficult to fill and maintain. Third, Seoji and Namji were in urban areas, whereas Dongji was in farmlands, and these locational differences had an influence on the use of ponds. Fourth, the shapes of ponds, in contrast to the ponds in palace and civic buildings, which were perfectly square, were either freeform or square with rounded edges. Fifth, lotus ponds could be maintained by continuous management polices, earth filling and reconstructing process were repeated during the Joseon Dynasty. The lotus ponds of Fortress Wall of Seoul which had managed over 500 years, were built in, in accordance with the tenets of Bibo pungsu geomancy; however as time passed, they were maintained not only as public open spaces, but also a cultural attraction for residents and visitors.