• 한국철도학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국철도학회 2008년도 추계학술대회 논문집
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• pp.1839-1852
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• 2008

Japanese government actively took part in the TSR modernization. the amount of trade between Russia & Japan increased increasingly by 55%, as the individual income increases in Russia, it becomes a big scale consuming market, therefore Japan concentrates on lobby to push into the russian continent and also Japanese government will participate in aggressively to the cooperation with Russian government, loaning to the TSR modernization & trade insurance, high speed train introduction, and introduction of transport system. this study checks and analyzes the japan's concrete methods & strategy to advance to the continent, and also this case can be applied to South korea, if TKR corridor is continuously blocked. I want to review the cooperation of north & south, and the project of continental railways.

• Strategy21
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• 통권33호
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• pp.148-177
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• 2014

The regional security and stability in Northeast Asia has become more complicated because of a sudden establishment of China's Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) on 23 November 2013. One dimensional conflicts on the territorial sovereignty over the islands between the regional States has developed into the two dimensional conflicts like maritime delimitations among the States concerned since they have all ratified the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea which adopts the 200 nautical mile Exclusive Economic Zone regime. Moreover, due to the notion of the outer limit of the continental shelf, the conflicts have developed into three dimensional ones in order to acquire more natural resources even in the seabed. To make matters worse, such three dimensional conflicts have expanded to the airspace as well. The paper will analyze what implications the sudden declaration of China's ADIZ have for the regional security in Northeast Asia from the perspectives of public international law. To this end, the paper 1) starts with the debates on the legal nature of the ADIZ, 2) identifies the Chinese government's political motives for the establishment of the ADIZ over the East China Sea, 3) assesses the responses of the regional States and the USA to the China's establishment of the ADIZ, and then 4) discuss what implications the overlapped ADIZ of the three key States in the region have for the regional security and stability.

• Strategy21
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• 통권38호
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• pp.47-82
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• 2015

To control the sphere, it required a strategic understanding to sphere and a power for overcome to it. In the early 20th century, the Pacific-War is a confrontation between the U.S. and the Japan for holding supremacy a pacific ocean sphere, building on maritime geopolitical perception. The Pacific ocean is a large of sphere, so if a country pursues a Pacific region supremacy, it needs a strategic perception and capability to control the sphere. After the U.S. has unified the continental, it has formed geopolitical perception in the Pacific ocean and by the way to control the Pacific ocean selected a naval power. The U.S. must have overcome a Pacific sphere for getting through to the Pacific region, this concept has developed the War Plan Orange(war plan relations with the Japan). Meanwhile, at this point of time, the Japan has recognized to a geopolitical point of view about security environment in the Pacific ocean. like as the U.S. has the War Plan Orange in mind for building on geopolitical perception of the Pacific ocean, the Japan also has learned geopolitical perception from the U.S. Because of this, the Japan has established the Interception-Attrition strategy(war plan relations with the U.S.). If we don't have overcome a sphere of the Pacific ocean, we don't hold hegemony of the Asia-Pacific region. So the analysis of perspective maritime geopolitics about the Pacific war is a meaningful study.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.31-62
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• 2012

It is a commons sense that the Republic of Korea is a maritime state that depends its survival on International Trade and International Economy. Korea was a peninsula and do it can be both maritime and continental state by its choice. However, after the national division in 1945, South Korea had became a virtual island and pursue a maritime way for national development in the past 60 plus years. Now, South Korea is becoming a world's 12 th largest major trading and maritime state. South Korea has far more ships per capita than any other nations in the world and its economy is heavily depend upon the imports and exports with other nations in the world that pass through the oceans. Therefore, the Koreans regard the security of the sea lanes of communication as vital to the survival of the nation. The SLOC is the life line for Republic of Korea. Since the early 1990s, immediately after the Cold War was over, South Koreans began to recognize the importance of Sea Routes and thus began to build a navy that can handle with the new problems of the post Cold War era. However, the maritime security environments of the Republic of Korea today is shaky and dangerous. Almost every water near the Korean peninsula, some kind of international confrontations are going on. Territorial disputes on Dok do, Senkaku, Scarbrough, Shisha, Nansha and Eodo between and among Korea, Japan, China, Taiwan, Phillipines, Indonesia and Vietnam are the examples. In this essay, the author argues that the S. Korean efforts and capabilities to deal with these challenges are not enough and exhorts more efforts and more powerful navy for the Korean people.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.177-199
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• 2012

As is generally known, the sovereignty dispute over the Senkaku Islands between China/Taiwan and Japan was triggered by a report commissioned by the UN in 1968, which reported the possibility of a substantial amount of petroleum and natural gas buried in the South China Sea. When the administrative authority over the Ryukyu Islands was transferred from the US to Japan in 1972, jurisdiction over the Senkaku Islands was also transferred. A dispute ensued between China (Taiwan) and Japan over the Senkaku Islands except during the period in which formal relations were established between the two states. This paper will take a look particularly at the events that occurred in the 2000's and discuss their recent trends and aspects of the dispute. Though China and Japan agreed to joint resource development in 2008, the agreed zone was a very small area adjacent to the Korea-Japan Joint Continental Shelf Development Zone, and the points of agreement have not been implemented. China has been developing four oil fields including Chunxiao in its waters adjacent to the median line asserted by Japan. However, China also has been excluding the participation of Japan, while Japan has been strongly objecting to the unilateral development of oil fields by China. If indeed the oil fields on China's side are connected past the median line asserted by Japan, then China's unilateral development will infringe upon the potential sovereign rights of Japan, thereby violating international law.

• Strategy21
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• 통권38호
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• pp.193-220
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• 2015

Leaving the legacies of the Cold War and other difficulties behind them, South Korea and China are building up their successful strategic cooperative partnership, moving forward toward through the development of new economic exchanges and diplomatic cooperation between the two countries, and this process is expected to gain momentum during 2015. 2015 is the third year since President Park of South Korea and President Xi of China came into office, and also the first year they have begun to implement the many declarations and promises which they have made within the context of the strategic cooperative partnership. The two nations share a common cultural heritage, and their governments should take this opportunity to leverage their partnership to enhance their economies and to improve their people's quality of life, especially for the younger generation. At a summit held in July 2014, the two leaders agreed to launch a working-level group on maritime boundary delimitation. The first meeting took place on January 29, 2015, and addressed issues of Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) and continental shelves in the Yellow Sea, which has an area of about 380,000 ㎢. It is greatly to be hoped that the 2015 maritime boundary delimitation meeting between South Korea and China will not impair the future of bilateral relations, but rather will improve their prospects. South Korea and China must take the opportunity to secure a definitive delimitation of their maritime boundary; their strategic cooperative partnership is in good order and China is currently taking a somewhat more flexible stance on the ECS and the SCS, so an agreement on boundaries will serve as a useful model for regional maritime cooperation.

• Strategy21
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• 통권45호
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• pp.116-147
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• 2019

한국은 지형적으로 반도국가이며 국제정치적으로는 중견국의 위상을 갖고 있다. 이런 유리한 조건에도 불구하고 아직도 대륙지향적 사고에 갇혀 있으며 이는 정교한 해양전략의 탄생을 지체시키는 걸림돌로 작용하고 있다. 이를 극복하기 위해 '바다의 유형'과 '위상'이라는 두 가지 변수를 이용하여 '해양접근전략(the Maritime Access Strategy)'을 제시한다. 나아가 전략을 구성하는 3대 요소-목표, 방법, 수단-을 이용하여 해양접근전략의 정교화를 시도한다. 목표 차원에서는 국가적 차원의 목표를 지원하도록 동기화가 필요하다는 전제에 주목한다. 더불어 다양한 행위자와 상대해야 함을 고려하여 억지(Deterrence), 관여(Engagement), 견제(Check)라는 소목표를 제시한다. 방법 차원에서는 기능적 균형화 작전방안을, 수단 차원에서는 기능적 균형전력을 제시한다. 해양접근전략은 다양한 바다에서 접근강도의 유연성을 갖고 맞춤형으로 다가가는 역동적 메커니즘을 품고 있다.

• 한국철도학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국철도학회 2008년도 춘계학술대회 논문집
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• pp.2303-2315
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• 2008

2007년 12월 11일 마침내 경의선 문산-봉동(판문)간 화물열차가 개통됐다. 이는 지난 1951년 경의선 운행이 중단된 지 56년만의 역사적인 사건으로서, 남북간의 철도연결은 한반도 물류동맥이 부활된다는 것이며, 나아가 중국과 몽골, 시베리아횡단철도 등 대륙철도 물류인프라의 구축이 시작됨을 의미하는 중요한 사건이다. 이것은 또한 UNESCAP에 의해 진행중인 TAR 북부노선의 확립을 위한 계획안중의 하나로서, 본연구에서는 대륙횡단철도의 연계노선 국가인 북한, 러시아, 중국철도현황과 남북철도 개통이후 향후 개선 과제 등을 검토, 남북철도의 원활한 운행과 대륙철도망과의 조속한 연계를 추진하여 TAR북부노선을 가능한 빨리 완성하는 것이다. 또한, 본 연구에서는 대륙철도연결을 위한 북한철도의 중장기 개량방안과 중국 및 러시아의 국제철도 운송로 발전전략을 파악하고, 대륙철도 및 남북철도의 활성화를 위한 국내철도의 인프라시설 대응방안 등을 보다 구체적으로 검토하여 TAR 북부노선의 조속한 확립을 검토하고자 한다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.140-162
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• 2016

The construction of Jeju Naval Base was finally completed and donated to the Republic of Korea Navy on February 26th this year. There is no doubt that the new base will contribute to the substantial augmentation of Korea's naval power and maritime security. However, we should note that the new naval base took a long and hard twenty-three years to be completed. In the 21st century, Korea should adopt a new strategy that can fulfill the security requirements of Korea for the new age of international relations. The 21st century is characterized by globalization, and in the world of globalization, a national boarder has become meaningless. In the late 20th century, after the Cold War, trade between countries have greatly increased and so did the importance of the seas. Having transformed from an agricultural country into a commercial country, Korea went from a continental state to a maritime state. Korea has become the 9th largest trading state, and obviously, the importance of the sea has become significant. Korea's national strategic focus needs to be on the sea for national survival. Thus, since the 1990s, the Korean Navy has planned to build the Jeju Naval Base. Jeju, due to its geopolitical characteristics, is extremely important to the 21st century Korea's economy and national security. Jeju is the starting point of the sea route that reaches out to the world, and at the same time, the ending point of the sea route that heads towards Korea. Jeju is located in the center of Northeast Asia and thus, Jeju Naval Base is extremely important for the area's security and order. Jeju Naval Base will be very useful not only for the maritime security of Korea, but also for keeping peace and order in Northeast Asia. Jeju Naval Base was the minimal effort against the six sea route security threats towards Korea. The six sea route threats are: 1) Threat from North Korea; 2) China's Threat towards Korea's sovereignty; 3) China's treat towards Korea's fishery; 4) Threat from Japan; 5) Threat towards Korea's sea routes; 6) Threat from recent phenomena of isolationism of the United States. Jeju Naval Base is built for both warships and civilian ships--such as cruise ships--to use. Just like the United States' Pearl Harbor, Jeju Naval Base will become not only the largest military base, but a beautiful tourist site.