• Strategy21
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• 통권34호
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• pp.128-148
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• 2014

In south Korea, the so-called 'conservative-liberal' rivalry over the assessment of the government's North Korean policies is seen to be impeding the road to right policy choices. For example, the liberals accused former President Lee Myung-bak's hardline policy of provoking Pyongyang and leading to a deterioration of inter-Korean relations, while the conservatives appreciated it for helping nurture mutually beneficial inter-Korean relations in the longer term by compelling North Korea to observe international norms. However, such debate over the vices and virtues of Seoul's North Korea policies is hardly meaningful as the measuring sticks used by the liberals and the conservatives are entirely different matters. The two major goals South Korea must pursue with its North Korean policies should be 'peaceful management of division' and 'change in North Korea'. The former is related to maintaining stability within South Korea and promoting co-prosperity with North Korea. For this, the nation needs to engage, encompass and assist the Pyongyang regime. The second goal is also necessary since South Korea, as a divided nation, must seek a unified Korea under the system of democracy and market economies by bringing change in North Korea. For this, South Korea needs powerful leverages with which it can persuade and coerce the North. This means that the nation is destined to simultaneously chase the above-mentioned two goals, while also both recognizing and negating the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. This situation necessitates Seoul to apply flexibility in reconciling with Pyongyang while applying firm principles to sever the vicious circle involving the North's military provocations. The May 25 Measures, which banned trade and economic cooperation with the North except those related to humanitarian assistance, were taken as sanctions against Pyongyang for sinking the South Korean corvette Chonan in March 2010. The Measures were taken by the Seoul government immediately after a multinational investigation team discovered evidence confirming that the South Korean naval ship had been torpedoed by a midget North Korean submarine. Naturally, the May 24 Measures have since then become a major stumbling block in inter-Korean exchange, prompting opposition politicians and concerned entrepreneurs to demand Seoul to unilaterally lift the Measures. Given the significant damages the Measures have inflicted on inter-Korean economic relations, removing them remains as homework for both Koreas. However, the Measures pertains to the 'principles on national security' the Seoul government must adhere to under all circumstances. This is why North Korea's apology and promises not to repeat similar provocations must come first. For now, South Korea has no alternative but to let North Korea solve the problems it has created. South Korea's role is to help the North do so.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제19권1호
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• pp.57-70
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• 1995

The purpose of this study was to identify clothing behavior of elderly women and compare the clothing behavior by different types of lifestyle among females aged 50~69. A questionnaire was developed to measure the clothing behavior, lifestyle and demographic characteristics. The questionnaire was administered to 445 females aged 50~69 during february and May of 1994. Data were analyzed by using factor analysis, cluster analysis, ann MANOVA. The results of this study were as follows; 1. The lifestyle factors were derived: they were Economics oriented, Leisure oriented, Traditional family oriented, Consumption oriented, Self-confidence oriented, and Independence oriented. The respondents were categorized into five groups such as Conservatives, Independents, Pleasure seekers, Positivists, and Material seekers. 2. Symbolism, interest, aesthetics and management showed significant differences in different lifestyle groups. 3. Comfort, modesty, and approval showed significant differences in age and family lifestage. Dependence, management, comfort, modesty, and approval showed significant differences in marital status. Aesthetics, comfort, dependence, interest, modesty, and symbolism showed significant differences in educational level and the money they can spend on clothes in one month.

• 보존과학연구
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• 통권29호
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• pp.149-162
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• 2008

Because stone cultural heritages in Korea are mostly situated outdoors without any notable protection, there are severe damages from physical, chemical and biological weathering. And this in turn causes deformation and structural damage. To counteract this problem and increase durability, various kinds of conservation materials are used in the conservation and restoration treatment. However, there are not many practical and technological experiments on this subject. Accordingly this research is for analysis of effect for treatment to make use a resin of the ethyl silicate for the granite in Mt. Nam of Gyeongju. It takes a long time to confirm the test result regarding durability and side effects of the conservatives after treatment. So we built up an artificial environment through freezing and melting test, and evaluated the conservation materials. As a result of this experiment, porosity and absorptivity was increased in accordance with processing of freezing and melting test. But other things such as elastic wave speed, elastic modulus, uniaxial compressive strength and tensile strength was decreased. It will make a plan to form a method of research systematically for mechanism and element of weathering and to elicit a correlation among experiment of artificial weathering and practical natural weathering from next research.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제46권
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• pp.178-209
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• 2001

This paper aims to provide a critical assesment of Conservatives's and new Labour's social assistance reforms in the U.K. and their differential impacts on low income groups. During the period of 18 years in power, the Conservative governments enforced benefit recipients being capable of work to be out of benefits and to get into work. They employed not only 'carrots' to encourage beneficiaries being capable of work to have full-time work, but also 'sticks' to discourage them to depend on benefits. The reforms under the Conservative governments were closer to the workfare model. The new Labour government has continued to emphasize work regarding social security reform. It has raised 'from welfare to work' as the main reform objective. However, it has not necessarily focused on 'carrots and sticks' in order to get beneficiaries into work. Instead, the new Labour government has put its priority regarding social assistance reform on human capital development in order to develop the capability of beneficiaries for work. Britain under the new Labour government seems to be moving from workfare to activation model. These differentials between the Conservative governments and the new Labour government regarding social assistance reforms bring about the different policy outcomes. Under the Conservative government, social assistance programmes were prone to strengthen the state's control over benefit recipients and to increase stigma to them. Punitive, demeaning, stigmatising programmes of work and unending job search activities harm the bases of self-respect. On the contrary, the activation programmes under the new Labour government has contributed positively to both socially significant participation and autonomy of beneficiaries.

• 복식
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• 제53권3호
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• pp.13-31
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to analyze the formative style and aesthetic value of contemporary subcultural style with the understanding of characteristics of subcultural style in the sociocultural context. As for the research methodology, literary survey has been performed to study the concept and the history of subcultural styles from 1940s to 1980s. In addition, demonstrative studies on aesthetic images have been carried out through the analysis of pictures and photographs in order to categorize the subcultural styles since 1990s. In this study, subcultural styles since 1990s have been illustrated through the socio-cultural grounds. which are diversity of street culture, diffusion of moss culture or bubble-up phenomenon, pursuit of anti-social ideology among intellectual heads, club Cultures in the form of kitsch and pastiche and communal thinking as collective harmony. With the socio-cultural context examined above, subcultural styles in the contemporary fashion are categorized and deduced following aesthetic values ; Drag and Club style as the tendency of surrealists or artificial hedonists, Urban military style and Cyberpunks as pursuit of Bionic being, Sports casual style based upon, the pursuit of comfort and freedom, Vintage style and Retro dressing represented by the spirit of DIY (no It Yourself), Ecology style of New conservatives, and Mysticism style as the fusion of technology and shamanism (Technoshamanism).

• STI Policy Review
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.23-42
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• 2010

The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA), known widely as the "stimulus" bill, developed by the U.S. Congress and President-elect Obama in late 2008 and early 2009, is investing a significant portion of its $787 billion infusion of funds in future-oriented programs intended not only to "jump-start" the stalled American economy, but to promote the development of renewable energy sources and increase energy efficiency in appliances, buildings, transportation, and other sectors of the economy. These investments are expected both to create immediate employment in green industries and to build a more sustainable society in the long term. The Obama Administration's green energy initiatives are part of a larger emphasis on science and technology within its agenda. It has roots in the Obama campaign and is supported by an unusually strong science and technology team. Much of the activity is centered in the Department of Energy, which received a huge one-time increase in its fiscal year 2009 budget to support the new and expanded programs. Areas that have been neglected by the federal government R&D program for many years, including smart grid technology, solar, wind, and geothermal energy, received large boosts. Many of these programs - and, in fact, the broader concept of government involvement in commercial innovation - are politically controversial Previous attempts to expand research in these areas by liberal Democratic administrations and Congresses have been criticized and sometimes thwarted by conservatives. Whether President Obama's efforts will meet with more success, both politically and technologically, remains to be seen.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제9권3호
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• pp.14-30
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• 2021

Data innovation is at the core of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. While the catastrophic COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the societal shift toward a data-driven society, the direction of overall data regulation remains unclear and data policy experts have yet to reach a consensus. This study identifies and examines the ideal regulator models of data-policy experts and suggests an appropriate method for developing policy in the data economy. To identify different typologies of data regulation, this study used Q methodology with 42 data policy experts, including public officers, researchers, entrepreneurs, and professors, and additional focus group interviews (FGIs) with six data policy experts. Using a Q survey, this study discerns four types of data policy regulators: proactive activists, neutral conservatives, pro-protection idealists, and pro-protection pragmatists. Based on the results of the analysis and FGIs, this study suggests three practical policy implications for framing a nation's data policy. It also discusses possibilities for exploring diverse methods of data industry regulation, underscoring the value of identifying regulatory issues in the data industry from a social science perspective.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.209-235
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• 2009

이 글은 최근 미국 보수진영에서 벌어지고 있는 전통주의와 개혁주의 사이의 노선 투쟁을 검토한다. 전통 보수와 개혁 보수는 부시정부의 실패에 대한 상이한 역사적 진단을 통해서 공화당의 진로에 대한 상이한 처방을 내놓고 있다. 전통 보수의 전형적인 역사 담론은 1964년 공화당 대선후보였던 골드워터의 이념에서 출발해서 1980년대 레이건의 집권을 이상화하고, 그 틀에서 부시정부의 '타락'을 비판한다. 반면, 개혁 보수의 역사 담론에서 보수의 '황금시대'는 아직 도래하지 않았다. 골드워터에서 레이건, 부시에 이르기까지, 보수주의가 선거의 승리 기반이자 국가권력의 핵심 지지 기반인 중산층을 보호하는 '보수의 뉴딜정책'을 개발하는데 실패해왔기 때문이다. 전통 보수의 시각에서 공화당의 미래는 보수주의의 이념적 전통인 작은 정부로 회귀하는 데 있고, 이는 개혁 보수의 시각에서는 '정치적 자살'일 뿐이다. 이러한 '현장의 역사' 담론은 역사를 통해 자신의 예외적인 정체성을 주조해내는, 그리고 양당제와 대통령중심제의 제도적 특성 때문에 이념운동과 정당정치, 그리고 대통령의 통치 프로그램의 세가지 과제가 상호 충돌하는 미국정치의 구조적 특징을 역사적, 비교적, 그리고 실천적 관점에서 분석하는 기회를 제공한다.

• 한국대기환경학회지
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.29-37
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• 1992

The risk of benzo(a)pyrene for cancer in the ambient air of Seoul was assessed by using the extrapolation methods. The average daily lifetime exposure of benzo(a)pyrene in the ambient air of Seoul was calculated at 6.97-24.30ng/$m^2$/day, which was based on the occurrence analysis of benzo(a)pyrene in the residential(Bull Kwang Dong) and traffic areas(Shin Chon) of Seoul. Using the dose scaling based on body surface area in comparisons of toxicity for extrapolation from animal to human and mathematical models from the high dose region, the low-dose risk was estimated. The response probabilities were estimated by the tolerance distribution models; Probit, Logit and Weibull model. They were consistent with the observed ones at experimental dose region. The unit risk estimates of these models were too low to be used. One-hit and multistage model to prove more conservative risk was selected. As a redult, the lifetime unit risk of benzo(a)pyrene for cancer and virtually safe dose were calculated; One-hit model provided the risk 2.8 $\times 10^{-7}$ and 3.4ng/$m^3$, respectively and multistage model provided 5.2 $\times 10^{-7}$ and 1.9ng/$m^3$ as the more conservatives. The lifetime excess risk estimates of benzo(a)pyrene for cancer were calculated at 0.37-1.30 persons/million persons by one-hit model and 0.69-2.41 persons/million persons by multistage model, which was considered in without virtual risk.

• 자원ㆍ환경경제연구
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.717-741
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• 2012

본 연구에서는 세계가치설문조사의 한국자료를 이용하여 소득계층 인식과 정치적 성향이 개인의 환경보호에 대한 태도에 어떻게 영향을 미치는지를 평가하였다. 분석결과 사람들의 소득계층 인식이 상승함에 따라 환경오염방지를 위한 조세인상에 대한 찬성 가능성이 증가하였지만 선형적으로 증가하지는 않았고 가계의 재정상태에 대한 만족도가 높을수록 환경보호에 대한 태도가 우호적인 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 1인당 평균 소득수준이 증가하더라도 재정 상태에 대한 만족도가 하락하거나 소득불평등도가 심화되는 경우 환경보호에 대한 태도가 악화될 수 있음을 시사한다. 경쟁에 대한 시각과 부양책임과 같은 사회경제적 이슈와 정치적 성향과의 관련성은 일반적 사회통념이나 서구사회와는 매우 달랐는데 이러한 차이는 환경보호에 대한 태도에도 반영되어 나타나는 것으로 보인다. 진보적 성향일수록 환경오염방지를 위한 추가적 조세부담용의가 증가하는 서구사회에서의 결과와는 달리 진보적인 사람들과 보수적인 사람들 간의 추가적 조세부담용의에 있어서 차이가 없었다.