• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.549-566
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• 2008

This study examines the effect of social conservative values that have risen as an important factor in American politics. Focusing on the abortion issue, it discusses how the abortion issue has affected American voters' issue and party preferences and their ideological orientations. The empirical results demonstrate that the abortion issue has contributed to reinforce the existing ideological and partisan divisions, although it has not realigned them. As a consequence, the abortion issue has become a significant determinant for vote choice since 1980s. Particularly in 1990s, when the polarization among the political elites became clear, the political effect of the abortion issue appears to be more evident.

• 한국노년학
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.429-449
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• 2019

The purpose of this research is both to analyse the dynamics of welfare pluralism in the personal social service policy for elderly British people and to provide policy implications based on analysis of the post World War II time era up until the end of the New Labour Government. Content analysis of government and parliament reports, minutes, scripts for party conferences, legislations, declassified government documents, and institutes' reports of the Conservative, Labour, and New Labour Governments from 1945 to 2010 shows that the governments played only assistive roles in welfare pluralism at any given point in time. The negative experiences of elderly British can be attributed to the unbalanced structure of roles held by public and private institutions for personal social services. They ultimately have important policy implications for the foundation of welfare pluralism in elderly Korean community care by the Moon Jae-in government.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.8
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• pp.19-33
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• 2020

This study aims to analyze on the changes of opinion in terms of Sejong City construction using big data. The research data are newspaper articles related to the argument of construction in Sejong City. The newspaper article data was reported by Hankyoreh, Dong-A Ilbo and Hankook Ilbo. The arguments related to the construction of Sejong City was included the new administrative capita, multifunctional administrative city and amendments of Sejong City. The analysis method used in this study is frequency analysis, sentiment analysis and social network analysis using python and gephi 0.9.2 programs. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, as a result of frequency analysis, the keywords of Hankyoreh showed the characteristics of consent - consent - dissent according to the construction period of Sejong City. The Dong-A Ilbo showed positions of dissent - dissent - consent. In addition, the Hankook Ilbo was analyzed to have the characteristics of dissent - consent - dissent tendency. Secondly, results of sentiment analysis, The Hankyoreh showed positive - positive - negative tone. The characteristic of Dong-A Ilbo is that the focus has changed from negative to negative to positive. The Hankook Ilbo showed that changed from negative to positive to negative. Finally, the results of social network analysis are as follows. At the time of the construction of Sejong City, each opinion of media was showed a changes in issues according to political and ideological characteristics such as conservative, progressive and moderation. In detail, Hankyoreh focused on balanced regional development. The Dong-A Ilbo represented the opinion of the Conservative Party. The Hankook Ilbo was highlighting the issues confronting the conservative party and progressive party during the construction of Sejong City.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.195-207
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• 2020

This study aims to analyze how the Korean liberal and conservative newspapers cover the filibuster for blocking the passage of the anti-terrorism act for the protection of citizens and public security by the main opposition party. For the comparative analysis of the Korean liberal and conservative newspapers, this study analyzes how the newspapers used news frame, news source, key word, and news theme. To analyze the effects on news coverage of the newspapers' ideological orientation, this study selects six newspapers: Hankyoreh Shinmun, Kyunghyang Shinmun, Ohmynews from liberal newspapers and Chosun Ilbo, Donga Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo from conservative newspapers. According to research findings, the liberal and conservative newspapers show clear distinction while using news frames when the newspapers cover the filibuster. The liberal newspapers cover the filibuster as a positive political action while the conservative newspapers cover the filibuster as a negative political action. In addition, as key word, "disturbance" is mentioned most by the conservative newspapers while "poisonous clauses" is used most by the liberal newspapers. As a result, this study shows that newspapers are influenced by ideological orientations while covering political issues.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.20 no.12
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• pp.135-143
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• 2022

This paper aims to grasp what propensity users have in their ideology from the comments in the Web Portal News and the Press Website News. Through these analytical results, the political propensities of not only the Web Portal News and the Press Website News but also the voters who use these news media could be grasped. The collection of data necessary for this study has been made from the comments of 174 news stories for about 90 days before the election day. For the analysis, T-test has been used in order to compare Naver News with Daum News, the Minjoo Party of Korea with the People Power Party, and the Press Web Site News with Naver News. As a result of the analysis, the comments of Naver News took the higher percentage in the positive writings about the candidates of the conservative party. but, in contrast, those of Daum News in that percentage were higher about the ones of the progressive party. Accordingly, it can be found that Naver News is mainly used by users with the politically conservative propensity, while Daum News is mostly used by those with progressive one.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.80-89
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• 2017

Television viewing affects viewers' attitudes and opinions on their political issues. Since the beginning of General Programming TV services in 2011, they are criticized of their politically biased programming. In order to investigate the effect of General Programming TV on voters' behavior, we analyzed whether or not there is a change in the voting behavior of the conservative parties among the areas with high and low TV ratings of general programming TV. Based on the result of 18th presidential election in December 2012, we could not find any difference in voting behavior on the Saenuri party among the areas with high and low ratings of general programming TV channels. However, in the 6th provincial election in June 2014, while the voting shares of the Saenuri party were higher in the areas with high ratings of TV Chosun, Channel A, and JTBC than in those areas with low ratings.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.100-120
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• 2011

The inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak symbolizes the success of the "Lost 10 Years" election strategy. This study investigated the meaning of the "Lost 10 Years" strategy and compared this strategy to other traditional propaganda strategies. Although the "Lost 10 Years" is a Grand National Party (GNP) election strategy, it also functions as a conservative propaganda strategy by conservative political groups and media. Thus, this study intends to compare the rhetoric of the GNP with conservative media and find any similarities between the two entities in the context of the "Lost 10 Years" propaganda strategies. This study gathered data from various conservative sources such as the GNP homepage and conservative newspapers to uncover common conservative propaganda messages. The results showed that the first-level propaganda strategies are very similar to the second-level traditional Lasswell strategies. This implies that the "Lost 10 Years" strategy benchmarked traditional propaganda strategies and the GNP won the presidential election because the effectiveness of traditional propaganda strategies was culminated with the support of the conservative media. With these research findings, the study discussed the implications of the propaganda strategies used by conservatives and future research prospects about the subject.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2021

In the 4.7 by-election in 2021, the ruling Democratic Party suffered a record devastating defeat, breaking the trend of a post-intermediate evaluation confirmed in the recent election. Why did the Democratic Party lose by a large margin unlike the recent election trend? In order to find answers to these questions, this study analyzes the voting behavior of individual voters based on the voter consciousness survey data conducted after the 4.7 by-election, while examining the background and causes of such voter choices. As a result of the study, in the 4.7 by-election, as confirmed in previous studies, public opinion against the ruling government was strong, and negative elections were held. However, if we look at the process and results of this by-election in more detail, we can see that it is different from the general by-election. In the past by-elections, the government judgement was due to the passive participation of the ruling party-oriented voters in elections with low political weight, or the active judgement psychology that was maximized in situations where the political burden was less. However, in this by-election, on the contrary, in an election with a high political weight, the active judgement psychology of the Democratic Party and non-partisan voters had an effect on strengthening the midterm evaluation character of the election. In addition, it can be seen that the gathering of conservative voters who support the opposition also had a strong influence on the reinforcement of the midterm evaluation character of the election.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.113-150
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• 2009

Attempts to relax cross-media ownership have been made by conservative Party and leading dailies. A concern with the cross-ownership of media is predominant in media and political spheres. This article is about the media market concentration created by cross-media ownership. This essay is a response to the demand of the ruling camp that attempts to concentrate on media market, and to increase their influence. I have outlined issues of cross ownership. The finding of this research supported the rationale of ban on cross ownership of newspaper and broadcasting outlet.