• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

The recent changes in Korean elections are mainly characterized as the downfall of the Conservative party. It is surprising, considering that the conservative party gained the historical support from the electorate in 2012, just several years ago. This paper claims that the downfall of the Conservative party is mostly derived from the perceptual conflicts and inconsistencies in the mind of the conservatives. The findings show clearly both attitude conflicts for the conservatives and its effect of asymmetrical (in)activation of participation. As their preferences to the conservative candidate and party became weaken, the conservatives remained to be inactive participants in elections. On the other hand, the liberals could make political decisions easily, having popular candidate and preferable political party. It suggests that, in order to participate, the electorate needs attractive candidate as well as parties to support in election. To revive as an active political actor, the conservative party should focus on the search of attractive candidates for the conservative electorate and reform the party in accordance with ideological preference of the electorate.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.117-155
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.104-110
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• 2022

This paper aims to analyze discourse metaphors by paying attention to Seoul mayoral by-election, mainly focusing on election campaign and its related news articles. The 2021 Seoul mayoral by-election was held because the former mayor died in an apparent suicide after he was accused of years of sexual harassment to a former secretary. But in the run-up to the by-election, the newly coined word 'alleged victim' from the ruling party caused a big controversy because the party attempted to deny the authenticity of the secretary's claim by calling her "an alleged victim," instead of "a victim" to defend the former mayor who is a member of the ruling party, implying that the woman's claim is just an allegation with no proof. Thus, this paper has analyzed how news stories were reported with regard to the word 'alleged victim' poser on news stories in two Korean quality newspapers, a conservative newspaper (Chosun Ilbo) and a liberal newspaper (Hankyoreh) from March 1 to April 1, 2021 and analyzed them with the framework of Lakoff and Johnson's Conceptual Metaphor Theory(1980). The findings are as follows: (i) the conservative newspaper reports this issue much more than the liberal newspaper; (ii) both quality newspapers follow the metaphor principles by Conceptual Metaphor Theory; (iii) the conservative newspaper is more likely to follow the Strick Father model (a conservative model) while the liberal newspaper is to follow the Nurturant Parent model (a liberal model), thus indicating that each newspaper's ideology is well represented by the models of Conceptual Metaphor Theory

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.103-132
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to observe whether intergenerational differences exist in support among major Korean political parties and, if so, how they exist, based on the results of the survey conducted nationwide. To achieve the purpose of the study, a questionnaire was prepared based on conjoint analysis, and the collected data was analyzed by applying a random parameter logit model. The main results of model analysis are summarized as follows. First, among the policy variables, statistically significant results were observed in the generation of 20s and 30s for the education variable. It was found that both 20s and 30s aimed for equal education at a higher level than other generations. Especially, the highest intensity aim for equal education culture was observed in the 20s. Second, the coefficients of major political parties were observed with a high level of statistical significance. This appears to be a result suggesting that voters decide on their voting behavior through thorough policy comparisons in addition to comprehensive consideration on various current issues. Third, a clear support for conservative parties was observed in the generation of 20s. A clear and intense distribution of preference for political parties classified as conservatives was observed in the 20s generation, which can be said to be mainly college students. This seems to be a profound founding related to the issue of "conservatization of the 20s," which has recently become a hot topic in Korean society. Fourth, a high level of support for progressive parties was observed in the 30s and 40s. The Justice Party can be classified as a minority party in the National Assembly House as of January 2019. Nevertheless, it was maintained at a relatively high level in national recognition, and it is presumed that the background was high level of support from the 30s and 40s. Fifth, a large level of standard deviation was observed in the preference for conservative parties in the 50s. This means that some respondents who are in their 50s or older strongly support the Liberty Korea Party, and some respondents in the same generation strongly disapprove it. Due to this countervailing power, it seems that the average support level for the Liberal Korean Party is low in the generations of 50s and older.?

• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.105-138
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• 2011

The 11th Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party(VCP) held in January 2011 was the forum to reconfirm the gradual reform. By analysing the documents submitted to the Congress, it can be realized that the VCP's reform policy reveals the compromise between conservative and progressive perspectives by "the Socialist-oriented Market Economy". The VCP proposes to proceed the balanced reform for the sustainable development by multi-sector economy to achieve the basis of the modern state by 2020 on the one hand and also urges to strive against "the peaceful evolution" to defend the socialist regime from abroad as well as within the party itself on the other hand. In personnel structure of the Central Committee and Politburo, this term of the Party still keeps the balance of the localities and sectors of the society. No big change was in the selection of top leaders, as almost of them were promoted slightly in the existing echelon of the Politburo. On the prospect of the reform process Vietnam will continue the reform as gradual as before.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.29-54
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• 2018

Focusing on vastly different results between two presidential elections in 2012 and 2017, this paper examines how political attitudes of conservative voters had changed in 5 years and how these changes had brought about differences in their vote choices in 2017. Using panel data encompassing two presidential elections, this paper finds that, though ideological and affective evaluation of conservative parties and candidates had indeed deteriorated among supporters of Park Geun-Hye in 2012, it is candidate factors rather partisan ones that exerted much more significant influence on their vote choices in 2017. In addition it is found that the differentiation in political and economic policy preferences among conservative voters had only slight influence on their voted choices in 2017. This paper concludes with discussing how to understand the result of the $19^{th}$ presidential elections and what implications it has in prospecting the party realignment in Korean electoral politics.

• Human Ecology Research
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• 제53권2호
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• pp.131-141
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to examine a potential association between community factors and the establishment of Local Healthy Family Support Centers (LHFSCs). Community factors were population size, community size, local finance independency, number of workplaces per 1,000 people, number of colleges, political party affiliation of mayor, and political party affiliation of congressman. Data of this study were collected from the census indicators of 222 communities from 2004 to 2014 and analyzed by frequency, mean, geographical information system mapping, and the binary logit analysis. The results of this study are as follows. First, LHFSCs are less likely to be established in communities in the provinces of Gangwon, Chungbuk, and Gyeongbuk. Second, the population size was positively related to the establishment of LHFSCs. Third, finance independency was positively associated with the establishment of LHFSCs. Forth, a mayor was more likely to establish LHFSCs if they were affiliated with the ruling conservative political party. However, the establishment of LHFSCs was not affected by other factors such as community scale, number of workplaces per 1,000 people, the number of colleges, and party affiliation of congressman. Thus, the conclusion suggests family policy implications to improve the geographical imbalance of LHFSCs based on the analysis results.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.87-108
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• 2013

With questionnaires conducted for 613 adult Koreans in Seoul, the present study examined how their social features (income level, political party identification, political values, values of capitalism and egalitarianism) exercise influence on attitudes toward income polarization and their evaluation of government policies. Two groups of participants (high vs. low) for each social feature were formed first. Then their attitudes toward income polarization (liberal vs. conservative) and evaluations of policies (liberal vs. conservative) exercised by government (Participatory vs. Practical) were compared. Results indicated that liberal value was strengthened by liberal value, anti-capitalistic, and conservative value was strengthened by egalitarian values, and party identification. It was also found that party identification partial effect on the judgment of policies exercised by Participatory Government. These findings were discussed in terms of their implications for Korean society and measures for communication constructive for settlement of income polarization were suggested.