• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.25-34
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• 2012

Objective : This study was carried out with focus on written by Joh, Taek-seung (曺澤承) and Joh, Byeong-who(曺秉矦) in the relation of father and son in 1933. This book is a medical book including rare data, which has never been reported to academic circles all this while. Method : First, this study looked into the authors of this book and its history of publication. Further, this study analyzed the composition and contents of this book. Lastly, this study summed up the meaning of this book from the standpoint of medical history. Result : The authors were Confucian doctors who were active in the latter era of the Joseon Dynasty and also in the period of Japanese colonial rule. They lived in Haenam district of Jeonlanam-do, and cured its neighboring local residents while studying. They published the book of by putting together their own medical experiences. The authors suggested their remedial prescription according to gender and age whereas Zhang Zhongjing(張仲景) suggested the remedial prescription according to Six-Meridian Pattern Identification & Syndrome Differentiation(六經辨證). In addition, the authors of gave weight to the relationship with internal damage. Additionally, the authors not only thought much of the relationship between internal damage and external damage but also thought of the weakness and strength of the healthy qi, and the new and the old of a disease as an important clue to medical treatment. It seems that such contents was influenced by (東醫寶鑑). Conclusion : shows the results of the research on which was spontaneously conducted in Joseon.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.161-185
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• 2009

This article looks into Lee Gyujun(李圭晙)'s life course, Confucian thoughts, and philosophical ideas on the Medicine of Boosting Yang by translating selectively his "Seokgoksango(石谷散稿)". Translating his works is a pre-requisite in order to fully understand the significance of boosting-yang theory in the historical landscape of Korean medicine, not just to comprehend the Medicine of Boosting Yang. First, it is found through the translation that a previous version of "Seokgoksango" had been probably printed before its existing version 1981. Secondly, there are numerous resistants to the Japanese ruling of Korea among his friendship. Thirdly, his academical root came from the Gihohakpa(畿湖學派) - the Giho school of Korean Seongli Confucianism[朝鮮性理學]. Its genealogy in Gyeongsang(慶尙) province is as follows: Lee Yi(李珥), Song Siyeol(宋時烈), Hong Jikpil(洪直弼), Seo Changyu(徐贊奎) and Lee Gyujun(李圭晙), and last, he kept contact with the Toegyehakpa(退溪學派), the Toegye school of Korean Seongli Confucianism, even though his academic root was closely linked to the Giho school. If the entire parts of "Seokgoksango" is translated, it will serve as invaluable historical document to understand a medical unfolding around the 20th century in Korea.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.37-67
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• 2017

This article is to examine the characteristics of Habin Sin Hu-Dam's method of interpreting Zhouyi and to review its position in Zhouyi history of Joseon Dynasty. Especially, there has been drown attention to the connection both Habin and Tasan Cheong Yagyong. Habin is a philosopher who consistently interprets Zhouyi through the inner logic of it, not through Neo-confucian framework of it. The inner logic is yaobian theory, which is found through investigating the auguries in the old Books of Confucianism. It could be said that this discovery is the Habin's original one, although there may be historically connections between him and Seong-Ho School in the interpreting methodology about Zhouyi. However, at a future date this logic is found in Tasan. There are no connections between two philosophers, but it may be said that they arrive at the common method of interpreting Zhouyi through investigating the auguries in the old Books of Confucianism. We find that their common methods of interpreting Zhouyi do not keep to authoritative interpretation, but there is the passion of searching for Zhouyi the way as it is.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.39-70
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• 2014

Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung either accepted Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was or modified it. In this study, his Neo-Confucianism was divided into acceptance and modification in Yulgok Neo-Confucianism and examined. In the acceptance of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, it was clarified that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung thoroughly inherited characteristics of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, including 'Yiguijimyo', 'Yitongguiguk' and 'Guibalyiseungildo'. However, Myungjae was not just satisfied with inheriting Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was, but modified and inherited the theory of Yulgok by suggesting his own original preaching. There were three original preaching of his in overall; 'emphasis on the control of Li', 'argument method on a theory of gaining knowledge by the study of things', and 'perception on moral mind, human mind and human desire'. Ultimately, it is concluded that Myungjae modified, inherited and developed Yulgok Neo-Confucianism to adjust a theory of Neo-Confucianism in a position of 'Yiguijimyo', based on 'a theory of Guibalyiseungildo' of Yulgok as a Confucian scholar of Giho school. It is consistent with his life philosophy that he avoided speculative arguments on Neo-Confucianism and pursued solid study(實工) with solid mind(實心). It is also consistent with his view of learning that he believed that theories of ancient sages were already rich that we should read them and practice their true knowledge(眞知), and making an effort on writing regardless of them was not a study of Mushil(務實). However, due to his younger students, he was classified as a scholar who emphasized the control of 'Li' the most in Yulgok school, and a new academic tie of Giho Soron was created. It is the most important significance that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae has in that of Giho.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.331-362
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• 2010

Simjae defined the relationship between Learning of Classics and Learning of the Mind-and-Heart as mutually interdependent. Clarifying "righteousness and principle" lies within the purview of "knowledge" and cultivating the mind-and-heart based on such knowledge lies within the realm of "action." Learning of Classics and Learning of Controlling the Mind-and-Heart thus can be understood as relationship between knowledge and action. If Simjae's theory of knowledge and action is applied to the relationship between Learning of Classics and Learning of the Mind-and-Heart, we can derive the following conclusion. His assertion that "knowledge precedes action" indicates that classical studies to explore the principle of goodness must precede mind-and-heart studies to cultivate the mind. In fact, only when we know what is the right principle can we cultivate our mind based on that principle. However, Simjae attached importance to action in terms of its significance. This means that the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart is "eventually more important" than the Learning of Classics which explores the principle of goodness. Thus, when linked to his theory on knowledge and action, Simjae 's philosophy founded on the twin pillars of classical studies and mind-and-heart studies can be summarized: "One must first delve into the principle of goodness through Confucian classical studies and then rectify one's mind based on knowledge thus gained."

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.116
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• pp.313-350
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• 2010

This article studies criticism leveled at Yulgok scholarship by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region. The Toegye School (Yulgok School) was formed both by theoretical contention and constructive criticism with its counterparts. Accordingly, the main intellectual traits of the Toegye School may not be fully appreciated by inquiring into its theoretical structure and context only; rather, this study proposes that a sound understanding of the Toegye School must be accompanied simultaneously with an analysis on aspects of the altercation with the Yulgok School of the time. In this regard, this article primarily aims to shed light on the Toegye School's theoretical context through surveying the criticism leveled by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region, which hold steadfast adherents to the discipline among other regions, against the Yulgok scholarship. Embracing the Confucian ethic, the philosophical principles of the Toegye School based on autonomy of 'Li'(理), i.e. ethical objectivism, basically aimed at reaching the state of self-manifestation. Namely, the main objective of the Toegye School was to anchor the way how the school understood existential form and cause of the universe to an ethical foundation in a crystal clear way and, accordingly, this belief in which the Toegye School gave a priority to 'Li' rather than 'Gi'(氣) must have given an advantageous position in terms of theoretical clarity over its counterparts. Furthermore, the crux of the Confucian ethical world view in the Toegye School's modes of inquiry could berevealed by the Toegye's 'Libal(理發)-theory'. From this point of view, the fundamental criticism that could be waged by the Toegye School was against Yulgok scholarship's gross misconception of perceiving 'Gi' as 'Li.' Scholars and commentators in the Toegye School severely disapproved of the possibility of ethical objectivism of Yulgok scholarship.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.531-561
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• 2017

This article's aim is to contrast Dasan's commentary with Chu-tzu' and old commentary on The Meaning of learning(學) and ming(命) in Confucius Analects analects. Confucius Analects analects began with Confucius said, " Is it not pleasant to learn with a constant perseverance and application?"(1:1), and closed with Confucius said, "Without recognizing the ordinances of Heaven, it is impossible to be a superior man. We can consider Confucian analects as theory of science. I've tried to define the meaning of learning(學) in Confucius Analects, at first. The Meaning of learning in Confucian analects have 1) Technology, 2) the way of human relation, 3) liberal ar, and 4) 'learning to become a sage. Chu-tzu defines learning(學) in Confucius Analects as 'learning to become a sage'. Dasan's considered learning(學) as science in general. Chu-tzu' and old commentary defined zhiming(知命) in Confucius Analects is 'to know the fact that there is destiny in man's life(ex, life and death). Dasan reinterpreted ming(命) in Confucius Analects as human mind-nature.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.80
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• pp.1-30
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• 2011

Confucianism and Buddhism were compatible in the period of Goryeo Dynasty. And then, the rulers worshiped Confucianism and repressed the religious activity of the Buddhist monk in the early years of the Joseon Dynasty. But King Sejong planed to bring reconciliation between Confucianism and Buddhism. Especially on the ceremonies of mourning and sacrificial rituals, he always performed the two religious style. The reason of sticking to his amicable consciousness is as follows. Firstly, he thinks that both the theory of Confucianism and the religious spirit of Buddhism are very important for the building up the foundation of his Dynasty. Secondly, his mind has been of a same faith cure on the incurable disease. Therefor, when the Royal family is taken ill he must pray to Buddha for recovery from the first stage. Thirdly, he regards social conditions to be the most important and respect for man's life and dignity for the purpose of beneficent administration. But Joseon's government line was the anti-Buddhist policy. So, the policy came in the wake of a debate among King Sejong and Confucian government officials. However his harmonious mind was unchanged between Confucianism and Buddhism. After all, in the last phase of his life he was deeply religious on Buddhism. I think that King Sejong's amicable consciousness could make a contribution to overcome religious conflicts and to create a new political cultural form in the modern society

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.92-99
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• 2021

In this research, it was investigated the competence of Korean salesmen in the insurance business(B2C, consumer goods marketing) and information communication industry(B2B, industrial goods marketing) at the individual level rather than the organizational level. The salesperson's Guanxi ability means the salesperson's ability to create, maintain, develop the Guanxi ability. Namely, it was investigated whether the Korean salesman's Guanxi ability is the effective and persuasive concept in explaining the sales performance(company performance, business performance). The purpose of this paper was to verify which variables, among Guanxi ability and customer orientation, better explain the sales performance of salespeople. The Western concept of marketing that is closest to Guanxi is the concept of the customer-orientation that is based on the theory of relationship exchange. Confucian culture in the East is the construct concept, Guanxi is the measurement. The relational exchange theory in the West is the construct concept, customer orientation is the measurement. As the result of the analysis, we found that the Guanxi proved a greater correlation with sales performance than customer orientation. In the information technology industry, there was a big difference compared to insurance industry, whereas Guanxi and customer orientation had a similar level of correlation with sales performance. In the case of the insurance industry, we found that the Guanxi and sales performance were significant but the customer orientation and sales performance were not. This means that sales performance can be accurately and sufficiently explained only by adding the Guanxi ability in addition to customer orientation. The result of analyzing the mediating effect of the Guanxi ability between customer orientation and company performance, customer orientation was significant with Guanxi, and customer orientation and company performance were also significant. But, when the Guanxi was used as the parameter, the Guanxi was significant with company performance, but the customer orientation was not. Even when the dependent variable was business performance, when the Guanxi was used as the parameter, we found that the Guanxi was significant with the business performance, but the customer orientation was not. Namely, it proved Guanxi ability and customer orientation are completely independent concepts. In addition, we found that the information technology industry, unlike the insurance industry, mediated the Guanxi ability between customer orientation and sales performance. We confirmed that in the future, salespeople should not only rely on rational methods to maintain and reinforce customer relationships, but must consider the emotional factors through empathy with customers.