• 동북아문화연구
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• 제30권
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• pp.123-143
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• 2012

in the late 14th century, korean confucian literati, sinjinsadaebe(新進士大夫), tried to reform korean society in the base of neo confucianism. after Joseon Founding, korean confucian literati modified a lot of confucian ceremonies in order to substitute buddhist ceremonies. at first, they titled confucian ceremonies as "gyu sik(regulation manuals)", "Eui mun(ceremonial manuals)", and "Eui je(ceremonial manuals)". but in the end, they titled confucian ceremonies as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". they also titled the reports on national occasions as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". among the confucian reforms, the most important reforms were auspicious ceremony. korean confucian literati tried to make perfect confucian auspicious ceremony. the first national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals in annals of king sejong. and the second national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals. the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals in annals of king sejong was cart decorated by ivory. but the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals was the sedan with cover. the reason of the change of royal cart were king sejo's political showmanship and diplomatic pretext toward ming(明) china. after the publishment of the five national rituals, the royal cart was represented by the sedan with cover.

• 복식
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• 제50권
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• pp.119-128
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• 2000

this study was designed to discuss the pattern of Confucian funeral ceremony and its costumes in Chosun dynasty thereby exploring the ideas and symbolic meanings expressed on them. 1. Male's official mourning dresses were composed of Choieui symbolizing sadness Choisang(최상), Dukun Sangkwan Sujil Yojil Kyodai and mourning stick Female's official mourning dresses consisted of Daersoojangkon and Kaedoo which were of simple kinds as compared to those of males. Duration of wearing mourning dreses was the longest to the death of father husband and eldest son The forms of mouring dresses were one and the same irrespective of the noble and the mean which expressed the sameness of the sorrow full of losting blood relative. Symbol expressed on funeral ceremony costumes were something like "eldestson-oriented" "male-centered" "distinction of the sexes" and "principle of yin and yang" to reinforce vitality to the costumes. 2. In the other funeral ceremony costumes in a royal fami8ly were those Euijangsu in red and blue colors Yeosakon in purple and white colors. Bandsman in Danryung and Guards in Kukonbok Changeui and Hoeui with five colors while the generally of people woere white dress in the ceremony Hoeui with five colors symbolized the principle of Yin and Yang costumes of military uniforms the dignity of the royal family: white dresses grife symbolizing the dignity of a royal family and Confucian sorrow as well 3. Unlike the mouring dresses there were great differences relative to socio-ecpmpomic status in funeral goods for dercoration Soyeo and daeyeo Among the goods the instrument to drive out evil spirites symbolized shamanism the distinction of Soyeo and Daeyeo separation of body and soul; the sculpture of the Lord of Hades and messenger philosophy of buddhistic netherworld: the engraving of blue and yellow dragons in bier and Juksanma the principles of Yin and Yang : elaborate burial accesaries realistic viewpoint of the hereafter.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제28권
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• pp.43-76
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• 2005

이 연구는 하나의 관습화된 제도로서 당연시되는 결혼식 의례를, 젠더를 둘러싸고 있는 우리 사회의 문화적 코드들을 담고 있는 중요한 사회적 텍스트로 간주하고, 한국의 결혼식 의례와 그 절차에 대한 신화 분석을 수행했다. 서구의 근대적 이데올로기의 신물인 낭만적 사랑의 신화와 함께 유교적 전통하에서의 한국적 가부장제 이데올로기는 현재 한국의 결혼 문화를 중층적으로 결정짓는 중요한 틀이다. 이 연구에서는 우리 사회의 결혼식을 전시 영역과 비전시 영역으로 구분하고, 전시 영역의 서구적 사랑의 각본과 비전시 영역의 전통적 유교 이데올로기 각본을 분석하여 각 영역들이 젠더 관계를 어떻게 신화적으로 재구성하는가를 살펴보았다. 또한 1980년대 들어 나타난 결혼식의 변형들이 한국 사회에서의 신분 상승 욕구와 관련된 키치적 성격을 띠는 동시에 젠더 불평등 관계를 은폐하는 신화의 기능을 하고 있음을 밝혔다.

• 복식
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• 제64권5호
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• pp.1-17
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• 2014

This study explores women's Wonsam in the 18th century. Wonsam was women's wedding dress, one of the representative ceremonial garments of Korea. Wonsam began to appear in the excavated clothes around the 18th century, and we can find drawings and records of the period in Yongjae Collections by Kim-kunhaeng. The form of Wonsam after the 17th and 18th centuries showed the changes in which Seop and Mu disappeared in Baeja form of Danryoung(團領) and the right and left symmetry and side slits were highlighted. The change also included wide and long sleeves and Sakdong(색동) colorful strips on the sleeves), Hansam ornaments, and the use of the belt, which means the change of Baeja composition into our traditional costume of the age. Through the Colletions, we notice that women wore Wonsam in different colors and with varying hair accessories according to the nature of ceremony, the social status, and marital status. Concerning Wonsam, the color of clothing for the dead woman was green(喪禮), while that for marriage ceremony was red(婚禮). Wonsam with the light color was for ceremonial clothing(祭禮). The women who served in the palace wore green Wonsam and Geodumi, while a bride at the marriage ceremony wore red Wonsam or a red long-sleeved robe with Jokduri. At the ceremony of Hyeongunorye, women wore Wonsam with a wig. the dead woman wore Yemou.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제46권1호
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• pp.188-207
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• 2013

본 연구에서는 1817년에 거행된 효명세자의 입학례 의주(儀註)와 절차별 장면을 담은 국립문화재연구소 소장본 ${\ll}$왕세자입학도${\gg}$를 중심으로, 입학례 절차에 따라 왕세자가 착용하는 복식의 종류와 구성에 대하여 살펴보았다. 입학례를 구성하는 첫 번째 절차인 <출궁의(出宮儀)>는 산선시위를 비롯하여 세자시강원과 세자익위사 관원들, 그리고 의장군들이 왕세자와 함께 동궁을 출발하여 성균관을 향하는 절차이다. 산선시위를 비롯하여 세자시강원과 세자익위사 관원들이 동행하고, 이 대열 앞에 의장군이 앞장서 출궁을 알린다. 이때 왕세자는 서연복(書筵服)을 착용하였다. 서연복은 익선관(翼善冠)과 곤룡포(袞龍袍), 독옥대(禿玉帶), 흑화(黑靴)로 구성된다. 그러나 입학례 당시 효명세자는 아직 관례를 치르지 않은 상태였으므로 익선관 대신 쌍동계(雙童?)라는 머리모양에 쌍옥도(雙玉導)를 꽂는 공정책(空頂?)을 썼다. 곤룡포는 다홍색 안감을 넣은 아청색 혹은 자적색 곤룡포를 착용하고, 허리에는 청정(靑?) 독옥대를 띠며 청색 또는 흑색 깃 장식의 흑피화를 신었다. 성균관에 이르면 <작헌의(酌獻儀)>, <왕복의(往復儀)>, <수폐의(脩弊儀)>, <입학의(入學儀)>를 치르게 되는데, 그동안 줄곧 학생복인 청금복(靑衿服)을 착용하였다. 왕세자는 학생복으로 연두건(軟頭巾)을 머리에 쓰고 아청색 도포를 입고 자적색 세조대, 흑화를 착용하였다. 도포 안에는 대창의와 중치막을 받쳐 입었다. 왕세자가 성균관에서 학생복을 착용하는 것은 왕세자가 왕위 계승자로서의 서열을 내세우는 자리가 아니라, 학문의 스승을 맞이하고 유학의 학맥을 잇는 자임을 표방하는 자리이기 때문이다. 성균관에서 의식을 마치고 궁으로 돌아온 후, 효명세자는 창경궁의 시민당(時敏堂)에서 입학례의 마지막 절차인 <수하의(受賀儀)>를 거행하였다. 이때 원유관복(遠遊冠服)을 착용한다고 하였으나 관례를 치르기 전이므로 원유관 대신 공정책을 사용하였다.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.45-54
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• 2012

This research work is to analyze architectural characteristics of Sungnyemun especially in King Yeongjo's reign in Joseon dynasty. The result of this research is summarized as following: 1. The architectural characteristics of Sungnyemun in King Yeongjo's reign are closely related with Confucian ceremonies such as Jeon-jwa and Heon-goek-rye. To perform these ceremonies, some lower walls of Sungnyemun's wooden pavilion were removed and used as ceremonial space. And after ceremony it was restored. 2. The floor type of center bay of the 1st story of wooden pavilion should have a type of floor using long and narrow fine tree plate, which is same type before the repair work of 1960's dismantlement. 3. The width of east stairway which is reached to east small gate, was changed just before Japanese's rule(1910~1945), should be broaden than present width, which is proven through the recent excavation. 4. The reason of asymmetric characteristic of locations of both east and west narrow-gate, and widths of east and west stairway, are related with order of King's ceremony. * Jeonjwa : a ceremony to see national affairs or receive royalty from officials in main hall or main gate of palace in Joseon dynasty (some times open to public) * Heon-goek-rye : a ceremony after win a war and offering to king enemy's ear or head in Joseon dynasty.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제13권4호
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• pp.241-260
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• 1998

1. Both the festival held in Confucian temple to honor Confucius or a religious ceremony in Korean traditional lecture-hall are the sacrificial rituals which is the mark of the respect for prescholars and these rituals has been followed the rules written in the book,'Yaegi' 2. For the Food formal display for the festival in Confusian temple of Chinese Gukjagam, Pebak(clothes), Mohyul(hair and blood), and the ritual food dishes, such as Byun 10, Doo 10, Gang 3 (Deung 1, Hyung 2), Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 3 (Taeraeu as beef dish 1, Soraeu as sheep and pork dishes 2), Joo(alcohol) 3 were displayed, while in Juhyunhak, Byun 8, Doo 8 were displayed. In Taesangji edited around in 1873 in Korea, for the Confucian shrine Pebak, Mohyul, Byun 10, Doo 10, Deung 3, Hyung 3, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 6 (raw 3, cooked 3), Joo 3 were displayed. In pedantry Confucian temple, Pebak, Byun 8, Doo 8, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 2 (raw sheep and pork), Joo 3 were displayed while Mohyul was omitted, which this type of display was almost identical through the nationwide survery for the Confucian food display. Some of the Confucian food display, most of the display for Bo and Cue have been changed to Bo 1 and Cue 1, and one fifth of the Confucian display for Byun and Doo also has been changed in the numbers and food varieties. 3. In most of the sacrificial ritual food display in the Korean traditional lecture-hall, Pebak (some not applicable), Byun 4, Doo 4, Bo 1, Cue 1, Jo 1 (raw), Joo 1 were displayed. In these days, the number of the Confucian temple where the sacrificial rituals is not held, has been increased. 4. For the names of food for the Byun and Doo dishes, mostly the old names are used, however, minor changes in materials and cooking method have been found.

• 한국가구학회지
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.136-142
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• 2009

Hoein Hyanggyo is a confucian shrine at Hoein, Boeungun, Chungbuk, Korea. Using tree rings, we dated its lecture hall, Myengryundang which is a two-storied wooden structure with half-gabled and half-hipped roof. The woods of Myengryundang consisted mainly of lard pine (probably, Pinus densiflora). We collected 27 samples (4 columns, 2 beams, 5 purlins, 4 capitals, 8 floor frames/boards and 4 others). The results indicated that the major cutting year was A.D. 1702. This date helped to correct the miswritten Chinese-calender date which was recorded in the document for the framework-raising ceremony.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.155-172
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• 1997

In the age of the three Kingdoms, Silla, Kokuryu and Baekjae were built Confucian Shrine (Kukhak or Taehak) after BC 2-4 century Confucism propagated from China. It means 1600years' history of Saugc-Zeuhn Rites of an Imperial ceremony to honor Confucius in Korean peninsula. For Chosen dynasty age passed by Koryo dynasty carried out mainly Confucian policy, in Sungkyunhwan of Mun-Hyo (Confucian Shrine) traditional rites in memory of Confucius are observed twice a year in spring and autumn for 600 years of the 112 memories Tablets to Confucius and the other famous Confucius scholars. (his disciples and Korean Confucian scholars) Wine, food, and silk are offered, and incense burnt before the tablets of confucius and the other scholars while traditional music is played and ceremonial dances performed. Traditional rites are observed primarily for the purpose of reminding students and other attendats of the teaching of Confucius. It is to have got it firmly into young Korean head that humanim, family, courtesy, order modesty and practical morality are more important than any thing else. And also now we need to reappraise, fundermently recognize rehabilitute and transmission the traditional foods Korean sacrifical rituals culture by Korean characteristics culture, Through the historical background we can recognize how much the Confucius thought and education effect deeply Korean sociaty even upto now to Korean popular life. At the same time confucism became fixed to Korean traditional thought and culture. Specially Sauge-Zeuhm Rites is based on Korean sacrificial rituals culture and Korean dietary life generally through this study we can see and presume the changes and transmmision of foods and cookey methods from BC ages.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제53권1호
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

조선 개국 후 유교적 가치관으로 성장한 통치 계급에게 불교 의례는 이른바 '위험한 축제'로 인식되었다. 의례는 출생에서 죽음에 이르는 삶의 중요한 전환점에서 다음 단계로의 이행을 도왔고, 제의를 통해 공동체의 결속을 강하게 했다. 의례 공간에는 도량을 신비로운 공간으로 변화시키는 다양한 공양구와 기물이 장엄되고 범음구와 범패가 어우러졌다. 그 중에서도 불교 회화는 기층민에게 강한 효력을 지닌 시각 매체로 적극 활용되었다. 생사의 인과응보를 담은 <시왕도>의 사례에서 볼 수 있듯이 의식이 마련된 도량에 불화를 헌괘하고 이를 생생하게 설명해주는 '관청(觀聽)'에 대한 수요로 불화의 기능은 더욱 확대되었다. 천도 의례 장면을 담은 <감로도>에는 왕실과 종친의 모습이 강조되어 표현되었다. 중국의 수륙화에서 이 도상은 수륙재에 봉청(奉請)하는 존귀한 대상 중 한 그룹이었으나 16세기 <감로도>에는 왕실의 후원을 상징하며 국행 수륙재의 역사성과 전통을 입증하는 존재로 도해된다. 왕실 후원은 불교 의례에 대한 사회적 공인과 같았고, 이러한 메시지를 드러내고 싶은 흔적이 <감로도>에 남아있다. 의례에 대한 위정자(爲政者)들의 경계는 표면적으로는 군중이 참여하는 의례 공간에 승속(僧俗), 남녀, 신분의 귀천(貴賤)이 함께 어우러지기에 예의가 무너지고 풍기가 문란해질 것이라는 우려였다. 또한 일상으로부터의 일탈, 금기로 부터의 해방이라는 축제의 요소와도 밀접한 관련이 있다. 시각 매체는 특별한 힘을 지니고 있다고 인식되었기에 그 힘을 이용하고자 하는 측과 위험성을 우려하는 시선이 공존했다. 실록(實錄)의 기록에서 위험성을 강조하며 불화를 불태우고 불화를 그린 자를 잡아오도록 하는 일련의 조치나, 도성이 텅 비도록 군중들이 모여든 기록은 역설적이게도 불교 의례가 반드시 참여해야 하는 축제의 장으로 인식됐음을 반증한다. 불교 의례는 생의 순환 단계에서 유교가 대체할 수 없는 종교적 기능을 지니고 있기에 쉽게 사라질 수 없었고, 공동체를 통합하는 축제의 요소는 더욱 강화되었다. 조선 후기 <감로도>에는 17세기부터 본격화되는 사당패나 연희패가 도해되고 의례의 현장감이 생생하게 반영되었다. 불행한 죽음을 위로하던 불교 의식은 해마다 일정한 시기에 마련되어 일상의 고단함을 털고 휴식을 취할 수 있는 축제의 장으로 자리 잡았다. 유교 국가의 정책적 탄압에 '위험한 축제'로 인식되던 불교 의례가 정례적인 세시풍속이자 공동체의 축제로 수용되는 과정을 불교 회화에 재현된 시선의 변화에서 확인할 수 있다.