• Journal of North-East Asian Cultures
• /
• v.30
• /
• pp.123-143
• /
• 2012

in the late 14th century, korean confucian literati, sinjinsadaebe(新進士大夫), tried to reform korean society in the base of neo confucianism. after Joseon Founding, korean confucian literati modified a lot of confucian ceremonies in order to substitute buddhist ceremonies. at first, they titled confucian ceremonies as "gyu sik(regulation manuals)", "Eui mun(ceremonial manuals)", and "Eui je(ceremonial manuals)". but in the end, they titled confucian ceremonies as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". they also titled the reports on national occasions as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". among the confucian reforms, the most important reforms were auspicious ceremony. korean confucian literati tried to make perfect confucian auspicious ceremony. the first national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals in annals of king sejong. and the second national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals. the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals in annals of king sejong was cart decorated by ivory. but the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals was the sedan with cover. the reason of the change of royal cart were king sejo's political showmanship and diplomatic pretext toward ming(明) china. after the publishment of the five national rituals, the royal cart was represented by the sedan with cover.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.119-128
• /
• 2000

this study was designed to discuss the pattern of Confucian funeral ceremony and its costumes in Chosun dynasty thereby exploring the ideas and symbolic meanings expressed on them. 1. Male's official mourning dresses were composed of Choieui symbolizing sadness Choisang(최상), Dukun Sangkwan Sujil Yojil Kyodai and mourning stick Female's official mourning dresses consisted of Daersoojangkon and Kaedoo which were of simple kinds as compared to those of males. Duration of wearing mourning dreses was the longest to the death of father husband and eldest son The forms of mouring dresses were one and the same irrespective of the noble and the mean which expressed the sameness of the sorrow full of losting blood relative. Symbol expressed on funeral ceremony costumes were something like "eldestson-oriented" "male-centered" "distinction of the sexes" and "principle of yin and yang" to reinforce vitality to the costumes. 2. In the other funeral ceremony costumes in a royal fami8ly were those Euijangsu in red and blue colors Yeosakon in purple and white colors. Bandsman in Danryung and Guards in Kukonbok Changeui and Hoeui with five colors while the generally of people woere white dress in the ceremony Hoeui with five colors symbolized the principle of Yin and Yang costumes of military uniforms the dignity of the royal family: white dresses grife symbolizing the dignity of a royal family and Confucian sorrow as well 3. Unlike the mouring dresses there were great differences relative to socio-ecpmpomic status in funeral goods for dercoration Soyeo and daeyeo Among the goods the instrument to drive out evil spirites symbolized shamanism the distinction of Soyeo and Daeyeo separation of body and soul; the sculpture of the Lord of Hades and messenger philosophy of buddhistic netherworld: the engraving of blue and yellow dragons in bier and Juksanma the principles of Yin and Yang : elaborate burial accesaries realistic viewpoint of the hereafter.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.28
• /
• pp.43-76
• /
• 2005

This study focused on the wedding ceremony. It was considered as important social text containing cultural codes of Korean society related gender system. Using the concepts of 'Myths', introduced by Barthes, this study analysed every procedure of wedding ceremony prevailed contemporary Korea. Romantic Love, creation of the ideology system of Western bourgeois and peculiar Confucian ideas about gender structure in Korean patriarchy system are both important frames determined wedding culture in Korea society. Thus this study divided wedding ceremony into displaying sphere and non-displaying sphere. Then, displaying sphere was framed by myth of romantic love, but non-displaying sphere was framed by traditional Confucian ideas. And, the transformation of contemporary wedding ceremony has the nature of kitsch, related the radical change of Korean class structure, also it worked as myth reveled up the unequality of present gender system.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.64 no.5
• /
• pp.1-17
• /
• 2014

This study explores women's Wonsam in the 18th century. Wonsam was women's wedding dress, one of the representative ceremonial garments of Korea. Wonsam began to appear in the excavated clothes around the 18th century, and we can find drawings and records of the period in Yongjae Collections by Kim-kunhaeng. The form of Wonsam after the 17th and 18th centuries showed the changes in which Seop and Mu disappeared in Baeja form of Danryoung(團領) and the right and left symmetry and side slits were highlighted. The change also included wide and long sleeves and Sakdong(색동) colorful strips on the sleeves), Hansam ornaments, and the use of the belt, which means the change of Baeja composition into our traditional costume of the age. Through the Colletions, we notice that women wore Wonsam in different colors and with varying hair accessories according to the nature of ceremony, the social status, and marital status. Concerning Wonsam, the color of clothing for the dead woman was green(喪禮), while that for marriage ceremony was red(婚禮). Wonsam with the light color was for ceremonial clothing(祭禮). The women who served in the palace wore green Wonsam and Geodumi, while a bride at the marriage ceremony wore red Wonsam or a red long-sleeved robe with Jokduri. At the ceremony of Hyeongunorye, women wore Wonsam with a wig. the dead woman wore Yemou.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.46 no.1
• /
• pp.188-207
• /
• 2013

This study looks at the costumes for the crown prince based on the Hyomyeong of 1817, a collection of the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage. The picture of School Entrance Ceremony of the Crown Prince (王世子入學圖) does not have the crown prince in the scene. However, it can be verified through literature that there are three different costumes for the ceremony. Chulgungui(出宮儀), the ceremony's first procedure, describes the departure of the prince crown from his residence toward Sungkyunkwan (成均館) with his escorting officials. The Crown Prince wears Seoyeonbok (書筵服) during this event. When the Crown Prince arrives at Sungkyunkwan, he participates in a series of ceremonies that consist of Jackhunui (酌獻儀), Wangbokui (往復儀), Supeiui (脩弊儀), and Ipackui (入學儀). At that time, he wears a confucian scholar's uniform. After returning from Sungkyunkwan, he attends Suhaui (受賀儀), the final procedure of the Crown Prince's School Entrance, at Simindang (詩敏堂) of Changgyong Palace(昌慶宮), At this time, the price crown wears Wonyukwanbok (遠遊冠服) as he is congratulated by royal family members and high ranking officials for his entrance to Sungkyunkwan in this ceremony. This point hereby concludes this study on the historical costumes for the prince crown based on the Hyomyeong Crown Prince's School Entrance in 1817.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.21 no.3
• /
• pp.45-54
• /
• 2012

This research work is to analyze architectural characteristics of Sungnyemun especially in King Yeongjo's reign in Joseon dynasty. The result of this research is summarized as following: 1. The architectural characteristics of Sungnyemun in King Yeongjo's reign are closely related with Confucian ceremonies such as Jeon-jwa and Heon-goek-rye. To perform these ceremonies, some lower walls of Sungnyemun's wooden pavilion were removed and used as ceremonial space. And after ceremony it was restored. 2. The floor type of center bay of the 1st story of wooden pavilion should have a type of floor using long and narrow fine tree plate, which is same type before the repair work of 1960's dismantlement. 3. The width of east stairway which is reached to east small gate, was changed just before Japanese's rule(1910~1945), should be broaden than present width, which is proven through the recent excavation. 4. The reason of asymmetric characteristic of locations of both east and west narrow-gate, and widths of east and west stairway, are related with order of King's ceremony. * Jeonjwa : a ceremony to see national affairs or receive royalty from officials in main hall or main gate of palace in Joseon dynasty (some times open to public) * Heon-goek-rye : a ceremony after win a war and offering to king enemy's ear or head in Joseon dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.13 no.4
• /
• pp.241-260
• /
• 1998

1. Both the festival held in Confucian temple to honor Confucius or a religious ceremony in Korean traditional lecture-hall are the sacrificial rituals which is the mark of the respect for prescholars and these rituals has been followed the rules written in the book,'Yaegi' 2. For the Food formal display for the festival in Confusian temple of Chinese Gukjagam, Pebak(clothes), Mohyul(hair and blood), and the ritual food dishes, such as Byun 10, Doo 10, Gang 3 (Deung 1, Hyung 2), Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 3 (Taeraeu as beef dish 1, Soraeu as sheep and pork dishes 2), Joo(alcohol) 3 were displayed, while in Juhyunhak, Byun 8, Doo 8 were displayed. In Taesangji edited around in 1873 in Korea, for the Confucian shrine Pebak, Mohyul, Byun 10, Doo 10, Deung 3, Hyung 3, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 6 (raw 3, cooked 3), Joo 3 were displayed. In pedantry Confucian temple, Pebak, Byun 8, Doo 8, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 2 (raw sheep and pork), Joo 3 were displayed while Mohyul was omitted, which this type of display was almost identical through the nationwide survery for the Confucian food display. Some of the Confucian food display, most of the display for Bo and Cue have been changed to Bo 1 and Cue 1, and one fifth of the Confucian display for Byun and Doo also has been changed in the numbers and food varieties. 3. In most of the sacrificial ritual food display in the Korean traditional lecture-hall, Pebak (some not applicable), Byun 4, Doo 4, Bo 1, Cue 1, Jo 1 (raw), Joo 1 were displayed. In these days, the number of the Confucian temple where the sacrificial rituals is not held, has been increased. 4. For the names of food for the Byun and Doo dishes, mostly the old names are used, however, minor changes in materials and cooking method have been found.

• Journal of the Korea Furniture Society
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.136-142
• /
• 2009

Hoein Hyanggyo is a confucian shrine at Hoein, Boeungun, Chungbuk, Korea. Using tree rings, we dated its lecture hall, Myengryundang which is a two-storied wooden structure with half-gabled and half-hipped roof. The woods of Myengryundang consisted mainly of lard pine (probably, Pinus densiflora). We collected 27 samples (4 columns, 2 beams, 5 purlins, 4 capitals, 8 floor frames/boards and 4 others). The results indicated that the major cutting year was A.D. 1702. This date helped to correct the miswritten Chinese-calender date which was recorded in the document for the framework-raising ceremony.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.12 no.2
• /
• pp.155-172
• /
• 1997

In the age of the three Kingdoms, Silla, Kokuryu and Baekjae were built Confucian Shrine (Kukhak or Taehak) after BC 2-4 century Confucism propagated from China. It means 1600years' history of Saugc-Zeuhn Rites of an Imperial ceremony to honor Confucius in Korean peninsula. For Chosen dynasty age passed by Koryo dynasty carried out mainly Confucian policy, in Sungkyunhwan of Mun-Hyo (Confucian Shrine) traditional rites in memory of Confucius are observed twice a year in spring and autumn for 600 years of the 112 memories Tablets to Confucius and the other famous Confucius scholars. (his disciples and Korean Confucian scholars) Wine, food, and silk are offered, and incense burnt before the tablets of confucius and the other scholars while traditional music is played and ceremonial dances performed. Traditional rites are observed primarily for the purpose of reminding students and other attendats of the teaching of Confucius. It is to have got it firmly into young Korean head that humanim, family, courtesy, order modesty and practical morality are more important than any thing else. And also now we need to reappraise, fundermently recognize rehabilitute and transmission the traditional foods Korean sacrifical rituals culture by Korean characteristics culture, Through the historical background we can recognize how much the Confucius thought and education effect deeply Korean sociaty even upto now to Korean popular life. At the same time confucism became fixed to Korean traditional thought and culture. Specially Sauge-Zeuhm Rites is based on Korean sacrificial rituals culture and Korean dietary life generally through this study we can see and presume the changes and transmmision of foods and cookey methods from BC ages.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.1
• /
• pp.184-203
• /
• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.