The Japanese colonial authorities promulgated the 'Nurses Ordinance(Kanhoboo Kyuchick), in 1914. It was the first act that regulated nurses' licensure in Korea. The gendarme did the administrational work of the ordinance. After the Nurses Ordinance of 1914, nurses without licenses could no longer work with the name of nurse, and Korean nursing gained a more professional status. After the March 1st Movement of 1919, Japan realized that its iron rule had to be more sophisticated. The gendarme gave way to an ordinary constabulary force. The Nurses Ordinance was amended to set the nurses quality as good as that of Japanese nurses, and the nurses licensure of Korea could also be used in Japan. In 1931 the Japanese war against China began, and the Japanese imposed military rule once again. The Nurses Ordinance was amended to 'The Korea Nurses Ordinance'. After the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War(1937) and of World War II in the Pacific(1941), the Japanese desperately needed additional manpower to re plenish the dwindling ranks of their military and labour forces. To produce more nurses, the colonial authorities amended the 'Korea Nurses Ordinance' and lowered the age and educational status of nurses to produce more numbers. Until the Japanese surrender in August 1945, Korea was under Japanese rule. Koreans had no say in the passing of these acts, and the colonial authority could make and pass any act at will.
The purpose of this study is to examine the roles of the forest-land registry system in the Forest Law of 1908 and the effects this system had on the colonial forest-land policy used in Korea under the influence of Japanese Imperialism. This was started under the Profit-sharing Forest System which was one of the policies for disposing of the Korean national forests. The purpose of this system was to establish forest-land ownership, a fundamental human right. This system was enforced by the Japanese Colonial Government without regard to the customary and important right of Koreans to use the forests, and without considering the distinction between national and private forests. Koreans understood that this system was a warning sign of a tax being imposing on forest-land owners. Furthermore, Koreans thought the Japanese were using this system to deprive them of their forest-land. The strata of Koreans reporting ownership were very limited and included the intellectual(upper-middle) class, higher officials in counties and townships, relatives and relations of these officials, and survey agents. In particular the actual owners could not submit a report registering their land in this system because the required survey cost more than the value of the forest-land. Within the time period specified by the Japanese Colonial Government, about 520,000 registries were reported involving 2.2 million Jung-bo(.9917 hectare) with most of these coming during the last five months of reporting period. Koreans made a reasonable request to extend the deadline, but it was refused. After the reporting period expired there were no follow-up measures such as verification of the reported registrations nor establishment of boundaries between national and private forests. According to Article 19 in the Forest Law of 1908 about 14 million Jung-bo, which was not registered within the reporting period was nationalized. The colonial forest-land policy used in Korea by the Japanese Colonial Government was as follows : (1) to create a large number of national forests in the early period of their rule, (2) to divide these national forests into indispensible national forests and dispensible national forests, and (3) to transfer ownership of the dispensible national forests to colonial Japanese. To achieve the latter, the occupational government needed a method to insure ownership. They devised a tree-planting scheme in which the national forests classified as disposable were "loaned" and then transferred to these Japanese. The actual Korean owners claimed title to this forest-land and asked for the eviction of the new owners but the Japanese occupation government rejected these suits using the excuse that previous Korean owners did not submit the required registration report within the specified time period. In short the Principle of Forest-land Registry was used as a means to consolidate the forest-lands of Korea and distribute large portions of it to Japanese citizens after seizing it from the rightful Korean owners.
The Piano, directed by Jane Campion in 1993, became a sensational movie with a special theme focusing on gender and sexual identity, when it won Palme d'Or in the Cannes Film Festival at the same year. Most of the critics discuss the representation of Victorian sexual repression in the colonial setting. But the critical acclaim tends to view the existence of the Maori people and the colonial setting as the backdrop of the narrative, although this colonial background is constructed as a medium to accelerate the release of the repressed passion. Regarding the race issue as a compelling discourse that gets left out of "feminist" accounts, this paper analyzes The Piano, focusing on both how the story of colonialism is constituted in the film and how the film represents ambivalent images of the Maori people, the native of New Zealand.
This article is about the study on construction contractors in Daegu during the Japanese Colonial Rule. The first construction contractors who involved with Kyong-bu railroad work in 1904 personally. But, after they go through the bidding method, changed by the Japanese Government General of Korea in 1922, and the second bid rigging in 1932, contractors was changed gradually the organization into unlimited partnership, limited partnership or stock corporation. The number of them was increased. Most contractors were Japanese, and organized a limited partnership which has been capitalized at 30,000 won. On the other hand, Korean contractors couldn't work at an important part, except for the personal activities of Youngsil Lee(李永實). They were usually employed as consultants or field deputies by Japanese contractors. After the Liberation, Japanese construction contractors returned to Japan, however Tatuoka-kumi(龍岡組), Yasiro-kumi(屋代組) and Sakano-kumi(坂野組) that was leading the business which were took over by Koreans. They were leading architecture field in Daegu.
In the history of elementary school mathematics education in Korea, the period led by the Government-General of Joseon during the Japanese colonial period cannot be omitted. As a way to grasp the real state of elementary school mathematics education at that time, there is a method of analyzing elementary school mathematics textbooks published by the Government-General of Joseon. However, the actual state of the publication of them was not sufficiently known. For this reason, this study surveys the actual state of the publication of those textbooks. To this end, real information on textbooks owned currently by various institutions and information on the publication of those textbooks in the official gazette and documents of the Government-General of Joseon were checked and organized.
This study aims at examining the change of the urban space of the original Masan Area during the Japanese-forced colonial era of Korea(1910-1945) after circa 1912. That year is very important because the modern map of land was introduced. The land area of the original Masan was about $17,000m^2$ composed of small houses and shops. Colonial era could be divided into 3 periods according to the change of colonial policies. And the change of the urban space is examined according to these 3 periods. During the 1st period(1911-1920) the following 3 development occurred. 1. Land was reclaimed along the coast line by a Japanese civilian named 'Bakgan'. And his ownership of land continued until 1945. 2. A government ware house(Cho-Chang), which was the symbol of Masan harbor, was demolished and the land was divided into small lots. 3. Main artery and trunk roads(14-15m wide) were built replacing 2-3m wide narrow roads and connected to the reclamation land. During the 2nd period(1921-1930), also land reclamation and road making was more frequently carried out. And the infrastructure of the city was developed gradually. Also public buildings began to be built. Modern roads were constructed city-wide not only in the center of the city. In the 3rd period reclamation was at its peak. Especially Sinpo-Dong area located at the middle of New and original parts of Masan was reclaimed connecting 2 parts and making of a central Masan. During that time original Masan was enlarged because of reclamation. The coast line of Masan became straight from e original organic shape. Roads were constructed in the outskirts also. The size of land lots were more or less the same during the colonial era. But gradually lots were divided into smaller lots. Japanese entrepreneurs gradually occupied the central area of the original Masan until the liberation day. But Chinese ownership of land gradually diminished.
The purpose of the study is to examine the characteristics of the ideal housing for the modern family suggested by the Home Exposition (September, 1915) under the Japanese colonial rule in the macroscopic context of social change and the microscopic context of family. Through this research, we expect to have a partial understanding not only of changes in the outward appearance of traditional housing spaces during the civilization period and the early Japanese colonial rule when foreign cultures began to be introduced but also of families'residential lives and the patterns of change in people's consciousness of housing. Major conclusions from the current analysis are as follows. First, there were some changes in family paradigm induced through a home exhibition. Second, the most important factor for an ideal housing was that it must be the source of harmonic and healthy family life. Third, the importance of an appropriate space norm should be emphasized by providing the minimum size of each room. Fourth, the significance of the housing values of the economy, convenience, and hygiene should be emphasized for the ideal housing. Lastly, it was implied that for an ideal housing, the social and psychological aspects of housing must be satisfied along with the physical aspects. The limitation was that the model of ideal family housing presented in the Home Exposition cannot exclude the characteristics of the colonial perspectives in that it was followed by the model for the Japanese families.
Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
/
v.55
no.3
/
pp.171-196
/
2021
The purpose of this study is to examine the status of Korean library staffs and their role who were alienated as a subjugated class in Japanese Colonial Era and re-evaluate their effort. For these, firstly, this study investigated libraries that Korean librarian worked and the status of Korean staffs. Secondly, examined their position and its role in the library. Lastly, investigated the status of Korean librarians' participation for training and submission of magazine related to library. As a result, in Japanese Colonial Era, there were totally 241 Korean library staffs in 27 libraries. 73 and 22 librarians each attended the Library Institute and The 29th National Library Conference. And contributors to major library magazins were reached to 40. With this result, it can be evaluated that these library staffs made some parts of efforts making modern libraries in Korea.
In the late nineteenth century, British colonial activities became aggressive and annexationist in the tropics, including the Southeast Asian Archipelago, which reflected the historical circumstances of both increasing resistance from the indigenous and severe competition among European powers. Interestingly, the change in English colonial policy toward an annexationist or imperialist vision adopted the motto of a civilizing mission, which was founded on the anthropological assumption that the white English were civilized, while the non-white indigenous were savage. The assumption developed into colonial discourse through systematic gathering of anthropological knowledge about the peripheries of the Empire. The knowledge system was flawed, which stressed the differences of the peripheral populations from the English and served as an inverted discourse on the Imperial Self rather than the description of the Other. Furthermore, the natives were heterogeneous, which rendered indistinct the racial and cultural differences between the English and the natives. Still, the aboriginals called Malays, who were comprised of many ethnic subgroups, needed to be deemed savage or inferior by the English in order to justify the English civilizing work or imperial ambition. Put differently, the representation of the English as civilized necessitated the (mis)representation of the natives as savage. In this context, Clifford's works contribute to systematic misrepresentation of the Malays, on which colonial discourse is founded, though not without self-contradiction. On the other hand, Conrad's novels that are set in the Malay Archipelago resort to a strategic misrepresentation that reveals the relativity of the discourse. Exploring the dilemma of denationalization to various degrees, Conrad's Malay texts problematize the (mis)representation of the indigenous as inferior, which is the basis of English claim to superiority.
Generally, the outcomes of the historical study in some domain would be a most fundamental and basic reference for understanding the essential and core component of them. Specially in case of social science, the importance of historical research much more emphasized that would be divided into independent academic field. In Korean history including fisheries business and industry, the most remarkable historic event would be the period of Japanese colonial rule that one of the most obstacle should overcome. Though the fisheries business and industry of Korea have considerable own history, the research and study of that not so much have been performed or investigated including the period of Japanese colonial rule. Most of the existing research of fisheries history have merely focused on partial topics like 'Fishermen's Association', 'Fisheries Industry Despoliation'. And the historical study of fisheries business and industry's overall status and trend in local area except Pusan also not enough. The aims of this study are exploring the fisheries trends and status during the period of Japanese colonial rule in Tongyeong and finding out the overall major fisheries business issues that would be a better understanding the Korean fisheries industry. Achieving that Objectives, over 800 articles of media, the Japanese government-general of Korea, and other historical data were gathered, refined and analyzed. This paper focused on of major fisheries topics and issues that including overall fisheries status, trends, fisheries catches, local fisheries cooperatives and fisheries exhibition during the period of Japanese colonial rule in Tongyeong. The result of this study shows that the status of fisheries in Korea had been deteriorated for exploitation of Japanese imperialism and Japanese fisheries capitalist during that period. Though the level of Tongyeong in fisheries was very high in terms of catches ratio and population of fisherman, the distribution networks of fishermen's association was not good enough. And the Tongyeong fisheries exhibition in 1922 has positive aspects for considering both composition of organization and educational activity. Even though the results and findings would be a helpful guidelines for understanding the fisheries business trends and status under the rule of Japanese imperialism, more research and study of that should be accomplished.
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