• 국제지역연구
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.269-291
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• 2014

이 연구 목적은 객관적 자료들에 대한 분석을 통해, 탈냉전 후 무력갈등의 추세와 특징에 대해 검토하는 것이다. 국제적으로 가장 신뢰성과 객관성을 지닌 것으로 평가받고 있는 웁살라대학의 웁살라갈등자료 프로그램(UCDP)의 자료들을 근거로 진행했다. UCDP의 '무력갈등' 개념은 적어도 한 당사자가 국가의 정부인 양 당사자 간에 정부나 영토를 둘러싸고 경쟁하는 비양립성을 지니며, 당사자들의 무력사용에 의한 전투관련 사망자수가 단일 년도 안에 최소 25명 이상인 갈등을 의미한다. 양극체제의 붕괴와 냉전체제의 해체는 국제사회의 무력갈등에도 구조적 개념적으로 큰 변화의 계기가 되었다. 무력갈등의 추세 분석은 무력갈등의 강도, 형태 그리고 대륙별로 지역 차원에서 분류했다. 탈냉전 시기 무력갈등은 냉전 시기와는 다른 특징들을 보여주고 있다. 첫째, 무력갈등의 형태면에서, 국가 간 갈등이 줄어든 반면 국내갈등이 증가했다. 둘째, 강대국들 간에 상호 무력갈등을 자제하면서 이해관계가 걸린 특정지역에 대해서는 해당 강대국의 기득권을 서로 용인하고 있다. 셋째, 무력갈등의 종결 방식이 무력을 통한 승리 보다는 평화적 해결이 강조되고 있다. 넷째, 국경을 경계로 한 갈등을 넘어서 여러 국가에 걸쳐 일어나거나 인접국가로 확산 가능성이 커지고 있다. 다섯째, 갈등 해결과정에서 UN의 역할이 켜졌다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.5-32
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• 2015

Geopolitics or Political Geography is an essential academic field that should be studied carefully for a more comprehensive analysis of international security relations. However, because of its tarnished image as an ideology that supported the NAZI German expansion and aggression, geopolitics has not been regarded as a pure academic field and was rejected and expelled from the academic communities starting from the Cold War years in 1945. During the Cold War, ideology, rather than geography, was considered more important in conducting and analyzing international relations. However, after the end of the Cold War and with the beginning of a new era in which territorial and religious confrontations are taking place among nations - including sub national tribal political organizations such as the Al Quaeda and other terrorist organizations - geopolitical analysis again is in vogue among the scholars and analysts on international security affairs. Most of the conflicts in international relations that is occurring now in the post-Cold War years can be explained more effectively with geopolitical concepts. The post - Cold War international relations among East Asian countries are especially better explained with geopolitical concepts. Unlike Europe, where peaceful development took place after the Cold War, China, Japan, Korea, the United States, Taiwan and Vietnam are feeling more insecure in the post-Cold War years. Most of the East Asian nations' economies have burgeoned during the Cold War years under the protection of the international security structure provided by the two superpowers. However, after the Cold War years, the international security structure has not been stable in East Asia and thus most of the East Asian nations began to build up stronger military forces of their own. Because most of the East Asian nations' national security and economy depend on the oceans, these nations desire to obtain more powerful navies and try to occupy islands, islets, or even rocks that may seem like a strategic asset for their economy and security. In this regard, the western Pacific Ocean is becoming a place of confrontation among the East Asian nations. As Robert Kaplan, an eminent international analyst, mentioned, East Asia is a Seascape while Europe is a Landscape. The possibility of international conflict on the waters of East Asia is higher than in any other period in East Asia's international history.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

• 영미문화
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.1-25
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• 2017

This essay investigates how the industrialization of the US food system was closely linked to US foreign policy, gender issues, and the rise of consumerism in the Cold War era. While many scholars in American studies and women's studies over the past few decades have paid increasing attention to the interrelationship of gender politics and the media industry in shaping US domesticity, they have seldom studied how and why reading gender issues in relation to environmental discourse in general and the industrialized US food system in particular can help us better understand the complex relationship between environmental and social problems that we are facing today, both collectively and individually. In this context, this essay shows how US national politics have not only created the ideal of American domesticity that promotes traditional gender roles and consumerism at the expense of gender equality, but also negatively affected women's somatic and mental health writ large. By closely examining the cultural implications of Nixon's and Khrushchev's Kitchen Debate in the 1950s alongside newspapers, photographs, advertisements, and Sylvia Plath's The Bell Jar (1963), I argue that reading Cold War consumer culture in relation to the US food system leads readers to see the invisible links between gender politics and today's environmental and social problems in comparative and global contexts.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.75-83
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• 2008

Based on the sentence "The number of my family member and relatives reached around 200, but since the first year of Geonan(建安) era, two thirds of them died and seven out of ten died of cold damage in less than ten years" in Sanghanjapbyeongron(Treatise on Cold Damage and Miscellaneous Diseases), which is allegedly known to be written by Jangnunggyeong(張仲景), we analyzed the sentence by three factors of time, location and people. These factors are used in the investigation of the disease outbreak, and through this analysis, following conclusions were made. 1. Approximate 10 year crude mortality rate since A.D 196(the first yea of Geonan era) in Jangsa(長沙) province was 67 out of 100 in the population. Approximate 10 year disease-specific mortality rate of cold damage since A.D 196(the first yea of Geonan era) in Jangsa(長沙) province was 47 out of 100 in the population. Regardless of age, gender or other demographic variables, approximate 10 year proportionate mortality ratio since A.D 196(the first yea of Geonan era) in Jangsa province was 70.2%, which lead to the assumption that 70% of death is cold-damage related. 2. Increased disease-specific mortality rate by cold damage in Jangsa(長沙) province for about 10 years since A.D 196(the first yea of Geonan era), and followed increased crude mortality rate in the population, threatened the stability of nation or local government. This is due to the repeated war in late Han Dynasty with political chaos and repeated flood caused by geographical disadvantage in Jangsa province.

• 한국정보통신학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국정보통신학회 2017년도 춘계학술대회
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• pp.371-372
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• 2017

미국은 냉전시대부터 미사일방어체계를 구축해왔으나, 냉전시대 종식 이후 국제 정세와 위협 세력에 많은 변화가 있었다. 미국과 소련으로 양분되어있던 힘의 세력이 중국의 대외적 영향력 확장 의지, 강한 러시아의 표방, 북한과 이란의 핵 무장 및 탄도미사일 기술 고도화 등으로 인해 대응해야 할 위협이 다양해졌다. 이러한 위협 변화에 대해 미사일방어청(Missile Defense Agency : MDA)은 전략 및 정책을 수립하였으나, 이의 근간인 상위법은 개정되지 않다가 2017년 국방수권법(FY2017 National Defense Authorization Act : FY2017 NDAA)에 변화된 미국의 미사일방어 전략이 명문화되었다. 본 논문에서는 FY2017 NDAA에 반영된 미국의 탄도미사일방어 전략을 확인하고, 기존의 전략에서 어떤 부분이 변화하였는지 비교하였다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권46호
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• pp.89-122
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• 2020

The longing for submarine manufacture and the fear of her power had exited for a long time, but submarine that could submerge and attack was built from 20th century by science technology development. The question, 'Submarine can exercise her power in naval warfare?' had exited before World War I, but the effective value of submarine was shown in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare during World War I and World War II. Germany and the United States made the best use of submarines at that time. The submarines of these nations mounted fierce attack on the enemy's battleships and merchant ships and blocked the sea lanes for war material. These fierce attack on ships became impossible After World War II, and the major powers reduced and coordinated the defence budget, so they considered the role of submarine. However, submarine is still powerful weapon system because she can secretly navigate under the water, and one of the most important force in the navy. The aim of this thesis is analyzing submarine roles in each naval warfare and integrating maritime strategy and weapon system technology into her roles. First, the research about represent submarine roles like anti-surfaceship warfare, anti-submarine warfare, intelligence gathering, land attack, supporting special operation and mine landing warfare will be presented, then the major naval warfare where submarine participated(during ex-World War I, World War I, World War II, The Cold War Era and post Cold War) and the analyzing of submarine roles by time will be presented. Submarine was developed for anti-surfaceship warfare during ex-World War I but could not make remarkable military gain in naval warfare because her performance and weapon was inadequate. However, the effective value of submarine in the procedure of a chain of naval warfare was shown during World War I and World War II. The major powers put battleships into naval warfare undiscriminatingly to command the sea power and submarines did massive damage to enemy navy power, so put a restraint the maritime power of enemy, and blocked the sea lanes for war material. After World War II, the battlefield situation changed rapidly and the concept of preemption became difficult to apply in naval warfare. Therefore, the submarine was unable to concentrate on anti-surfaceship mission. Especially during the Cold War era, nuclear submarine came to appear and her weapon system developed rapidly. These development gave submarines special missions: anti-submarine warfare and intelligence gathering. At that time, United States and Soviet submarines tracked other nation's submarines loaded with nuclear weapons and departing from naval their base. The submarines also collected information on the volume of ships and a coastal missile launching site in company with this mission. After Cold War, the major powers despatched forces to major troubled regions to maintain world peace, their submarines approached the shores of these regions and attacked key enemy installations with cruise missiles. At that time, the United States eased the concept of preemption and made the concept of Bush doctrine because of possible 911 terrorism. The missiles fired from submarines and surface battleships accurately attacked key enemy installations. Many nations be strategically successful depending on what kind of mission a submarine is assigned. The patterns of future naval warfare that my country will provide against will be military power projection and coalition/joint operations. These suggest much more about what future missions we should assign to submarines.

• 수완나부미
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.157-180
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• 2018

Area studies, including Asian and Southeast Asian studies, in the post-Cold War era have been facing an epochal challenge that is rooted in two conditions: on the one hand, the end of the Cold War and the fading geopolitical rationale, and on the other, the emergence of the technology-driven transformation of the global economy and society. The consequences thus far are paradoxical: 1) While the technology-led transformation needs a workforce with critical and innovative abilities, higher education becomes more hyper-utilitarian; 2) While the transformation instigates increasing diversity of identities in global cultures, many countries thrive for STEM education at the expense of learning languages and cultures, including area studies which are essential for diversity. Southeast Asian studies programs need to change in response to these new conditions. These changing conditions and paradoxes, nevertheless, take different forms and degrees in the American, European and Asian academies, thanks to their different histories of higher education. The prospects for Southeast Asian Studies in these various academies are likely to be different too.

• 보건행정학회지
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• 제22권1호
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• pp.1-28
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• 2012

Since its establishment in 1948, World Health Organization (WHO) has tried and facilitated international cooperation of public health under the goal of "the highest attainable health," and gained outcomes like the eradication of smallpox and polio, turning itself into the representative of international public health. However, there was discord between member nations during the cold war era, and the status of WHO experienced rise and fall after its establishment. WHO, the representative international health organization, also has not been freed from influences from international regime changes, which means that the discussion on the internal causes of WHO functionings should be expanded more. In this study, functionalism was tested as one of international relations theory that tries to explain the establishment and role of WHO. Especially, this study analyzed the problems and problem-solving process that WHO had to face by using Imber's five steps theory that arranged chronologically the theory of Mitrany. We mainly investigated the secondary source that described historic facts on the rise and fall of WHO in terms of roles and functionings during establishment of WHO, the cold war era, and international cooperation of public health. The roles of WHO were analyzed by selecting the gains of WHO in the post cold war era. The functionalism arrangement of Imber was appropriate to some extent in explaining the establishment and role of WHO. The first step was International Sanitary Conference in 1851 that made nations to recognize international cooperation of public health, and the second step was the establishment of WHO that handles public health as an international organization. Recent cases of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and International Health Regulations showed that each nation agreed with an international norm that they had to cooperate each other to tackle infectious diseases and smoking, and this implies that these were emergence of global governance. This process was the third step of Imber's theory (nations had a gain from international cooperation would agree with the expansion of authority of international organization). However, the last two steps of the theory are still not realized. The partial success of WHO was based on the functional elements that WHO deals with non-political elements, human resources centering on professionals, and democratic decision making process. This essential and non-political characteristics mean that necessity of international cooperation catalyzed by WHO would continue despite of the global governance era when global health governance get faced more challenges.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.227-236
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• 2020

냉전시기 군사적 활동을 위주로 이루어졌던 전통적 PKO 활동은 탈냉전 시기가 되면서 다차원적 PKO 활동으로 변해왔다. 한국경찰은 1994년 소말리아 치안재건을 위해 2명의 경찰관을 파견하면서 PKO의 역사가 시작되었으나 지금까지 군 병력의 활발한 PKO 활동에 비해 경찰의 역할은 제한적으로 이루어졌다. 국제분쟁의 양상이 지속적으로 진보하고 있는 현시점에서 UN은 193개 회원국에게 다차원적 평화유지 과업을 해결할 수 있는 PKO 활동을 요구하고 있으며, 특히 경찰의 '치안유지'라는 본질적 역할은 분쟁국의 재건과정에서 엄정한 법집행을 절대적으로 요구하고 있다. 이에 미국, 중국, 독일 등 회원국에서는 경찰 인력을 파견하여 그 역할을 직·간접적으로 수행하고 있다. 그러나 한국경찰의 PKO에 대한 평가는 그 성과를 측정하기에 미미한 수준이다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 설정한 연구목적을 달성하기 위해 먼저 국제분쟁의 양상과 분쟁지역의 치안환경을 분석하였다. 그리고 다차원적 PKO 임무 속에서 UN경찰의 역할과 미국, 중국, 독일 경찰과 한국 경찰의 사례를 분석하였으며, 이를 토대로 제한적이었던 한국경찰 PKO 요원의 역할 확대 방안을 제시할 수 있었다.