• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.279-302
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• 2019

This paper introduces Youngju Ryu's Writers of the Winter Republic: Literature and Resistance in Park Chung Hee's Korea, and examines its significance and limitations. The book examines the relationship between literature and politics during the Park Chung-hee Yushin era, focusing on Yang Sŏng-u, Kim Chi-ha, Yi Mun-gu, Cho Se-hŭi, and Hwang Sok-yong. The books starts by describing the relationship between the U.S. hegemony and the Park Chung-hee regime during the Cold War. The book shows how poets like Yang and Kim fought against the Park Chung-hee regime based on poems, trial records and memoirs, while it describes novelists such as Yi's resistance by how novels envisioned a community against the Park administration based on the keyword "neighborhood." This is significant in that it describes how literature from the Park Chung-hee era was able to stand on the front lines against the regime. However, it is regrettable that because the book adopts a heroic tale to describe their lives and literature, these are illuminated in a somewhat flat way. Also it is noteworthy that the lives and works of novelists after the 2000s were illuminated, but Yang and Kim's life and literature were not described. Furthermore, it is regrettable that women writers were not mentioned and its concept of "politics" is rather shallow. Overall, this book is very significant in that it introduces the relationship between Korean literature and politics in the Korea of the 1970s with rich data and a beautiful style, as well as allowing Korean studies researchers to reflect on the future of Korean studies.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Gas
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• v.5 no.4 s.16
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• pp.8-20
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• 2001

Neoliberalism became a catch word of a post-cold war era. It began to develop in the middle of welfare state crisis in developed countries. It promoted both a unified world market through mutual penetration of national boundaries in International scene and maximization of efficiency through market competition in domestic scene. Privatization of public corporations is a major policy to pursue market efficiency through deregulation. Two reasons are often adduced to support the cause The socio-economic changes diminished the necessity to establish public corporation on the one hand. On the other hand gross inefficiency has been observed in the management of public corporation. 'Government failure' is an apt expression of the inefficiency. In analysing the experiences of privatization of utility industries of some other countries we found a couple of lessons for a Korean case. First, it is doubtful if privatization, that is a change in the form of ownership, is a necessary condition for achieving market efficiency. Because it is possible to operate a mechanism of market competition while maintaining competition among public corporations and with private actors. Second, the patron-agent dilemma is often cited as a major culprit of an inefficient management of public corporations. But it is without saying that the dilemma is also found in the management of private firms. So, the issue is not the privatization per se but to realize responsible management through discipline and incentives.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.4
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• pp.83-118
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• 2006

This study is to develop digital leadership in a field of national defense. Today, korean society is facing the crisis of national security. But national defense leadership is not show in the circumstance of national security crisis. As you know, national defense leadership is a process that make use of influence. Which means it converges people's interest and demands well and also show people the right vision of national defense and make them to comply the policy about national security. Because of the environmental change, our national defense leadership is having a new turning point. First, international order, which is under post-cold war, raises possibility of guarantee of peace and security in international society but also, cause the increase of multiple uncertainty and small size troubles in security circumstance. In addition, Korean society is rushing into democratization and localization period by success in peaceful change of political power went through about three times. The issue of political neutralization of military is stepping into settlement but still, negative inheritance of old military regime is worrying about it. In this situation, we can't expect rise in estimation about the importance of security and military's reason for being. So, military have to give their concern to not only internal maintenance of order and control and growth of soldiers but also developing external leadership to strength influence to society and military's the reason for being. So for these alternative I'm suggesting a digital leadership of national defense which fits digital era. This digital leadership is the leadership which can accept and understand digital technology and lead the digital organization. To construct digital national defense we need a practical leadership. The leadership has to be digital leadership with digital competence that can direct vision of digital national defense and carry out the policy. A leader who ha s digital leadership can lead the digital society. The ultimate key to construct digital government, digital corporate and digital citizen depends on digital leader with digital mind. To be more specific, digital leadership has network leadership, next generation leadership, knowledge driven management leadership, innovation oriented leadership. A leader with this kind of leadership is the real person with digital leadership. From now on, to rise this, we have to build up human resource development strategy and develop educational training program.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.239-270
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• 2010

This thesis is to make an appropriate national defense policy of Republic of Korea through studying the Hegemony Strategy of United States. I searched the theory of hegemony. The hegemony was differently defined by the point of time and region. The strong power nations with the hegemony have been making efforts to maintain their hegemony everytime. I have conclusion that the presence of hegemony once emerged, it brought regional stability in place whether it is coercive or beneficial. The stability and instability of international order IS not exclusively dependent on hegemony. Even if the safety of hegemony cannot guarantee absolute stability of international order, there IS on doubt that the hegemony has enormous impact on that. According to the hegemonic theory, the history of mankind equals to the history of rising and falling hegemony. The international order was changed as the hegemony changes. The United States has been making efforts to maintain her global hegemony during the post cold-war era as well. Taking all these into consideration, relevant military strategy direction able to pursue national interest is that to make up for the relative weakness in the strategic environment. South Korea have to prepare security policy response as following. First, South Korea should build the military force equipped with advanced weapons in military technology sector and solidify military diplomatic relation able to form cooperative relation in wartime. Second, South Korea should make solid Alliance of Korea and U.S. Third, develop and maintain multilateral security cooperation of East Asia. Forth, we could realize that there are means that can neutralize opponent's strong point by seeking one or two and more asymmetry in the aspect of strategy, tactics, and means through asymmetric strategy. Than the military force of South Korea should develop into a force that is able to overcome to the traditional North Korea's threat and new type of conflicts. And the force should have sufficient strength and be deployed to effectively defend the Korean Peninsula. So, we need to establish a denial and defense system against any hostile neighboring country. Therefore, ROK military forces preparing for the future should try to construct a future military power to gradually establish enough strength for self-defense to prepare for a uncertain security environment and when the Korean Peninsula is unified in a future.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.42
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• pp.229-249
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• 2015

As the post-cold war era and globalization go on, national security problems which were not traditional national security problems such as terrorism, crime, environmental disasters, economic crises, cyber-terrorism, diseases, and energy problems threat humanity and nations and demands changes. Also, with the change, the concept of "big government" has emerged as the role of nation expanded. The modern society sees every country change from small government to big government in order to realize the establishment of welfare state. A comprehensive interpretation of security is needed in order to comprehensive protection of citizens beyond outside invasion such as crime, new disaster, terrorism. In Korea, incidents such as Cheonan-Ham, Yeonpeyong-Do, foot-and-mouth disease, Ddos terrorism, pirates hostages, mad cow disease, AI are happening and the humanitarian support for North Korea and the summit of South and North Korea are at a standstill. Also, National emergency management system, comprehensive emergency management center, countrol tower, national security system, cooperation with citizens, establishment of legal and institutional system are needed. The importance of this research is on the reestablishment of new national security and emergency management system according to the comparison between the national security and counter-terrorism system of Korea and that of the United States which is a leading country in this field. Also, the establishment of national emergency management act is needed as a statute for effective function as currently various laws and administrative organizations are dispersed.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.403-425
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• 2011

Canada became the first OECD/DAC member state that legislated the ODA Accountability Act in 2008, which prescribe Canada ODA policies to meet the guidelines and norms of international human rights while other OECD/DAC member states was just emphasizing the importance of abiding by the international human rights norms. Paying attention to the Canadian case, this article critically examines under what structural environments and process this Act was passed. This article argues that the legislation of the ODA Accountability Act is closely related with Canada's international position as middle power and diplomatic strategies. Bring up the human security issues as a niche market, Canada demonstrates the characteristics of middle power state by emphasizing human rights agenda as new foreign policy strategies. Reflecting on the negative outcomes from neoliberal aid policy of structural adjustment and promoting the new aid norms in post cold war era would also help foster the enabling environment for the value-oriented aid policies and enactment of the Accountability Act. Civil society organizations were also playing catalyst role in constructing Canada's state identity of human rights defender.

• 한국체육학회지인문사회과학편
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• v.54 no.5
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• pp.581-592
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• 2015

This research was fairness in sport and power is how they form and change through historical discussion on the sport's doping and ran afoul of fairness Explored in match-fixing in relationship with power, the product of the problems of human desires. First, doping and exploration of power. The history of doping in sports, history as long as it existed before. Medication is ruler of the players can't or don't conform with authority between the pair formed a relationship, where, in accordance with the victory of a temptation for wealth and fame and vested interests and desire, is personal, Society and country ranging and widely is committed. In particular, power of expression is reflected well reflected in the sport in the Cold War era and, in those days was wrong thinking and practices are still truly understands the connection between doping and anti-doping. Second, match-fixing and exploration of power. Also in the history of sport as doping, match-fixing, always existed. Sport and fairness of match-fixing in relation to artificial sources, and well decide the outcome of which ended with sport, not an issue connected to gambling and other crimes, And that's another sport and bring about a vicious circle of even turn into a row. The reason for this match fixing in power part of the formation of capital and profits for the exact cause has developed that further threatens the fair sport. Thus, in fairness, and relations of power in sport doping and match-fixing is historically very meaningful and, further research and discussion is needed. Buried the materialistic values of sport doping and match-fixing, nothing is being tolerated and other researchers' power as the elements of the pie grow only by sport only No one can guarantee that only satisfied if we hold a bright future of sport.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.143-177
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• 2021

In the history of Korean literature, evaluations on 『Jirisan』 (Lee Byeong-ju) are bisected. Some evaluate it as a novel of authentic records which reproduces the history before and after the emancipation objectively while others say it takes advantage of anti-communistic ideology. This study analyzes that difference is resulted not from the distinction of perspectives but from cracks in the text. This is associated with the process of 『Jirisan』's publication. 『Jirisan』 was published serially in 『Sedae』 from 1972, and then, part of the manuscript was published in 1978 and the whole edition published in a series came to be republished in 1981. After that, in 1981 and 1985, part of the follow-up story was printed on the magazine, and then, with the memoirs of those two years as materials, the sixth and seventh volumes were again published through 'revision'. In other words, the publication of 『Jirisan』 is divided into that of the edition published in a series and that of the edition published in 1985 including the contents of revision. The theme of the work, 『Jirisan』 differs according to the point of its completion you may think of. This researcher pays attention to the difference of perspectives between the contents up to the fifth volume and those of the sixth and seventh volumes. Particularly, his evaluation on 'partisans' seems to have changed. In the edition published in a series, he extended 'partisans' into the independence movement in the Japanese colonial era under the Revitalizing Reforms system and adopted the representation of 'partisans' three-dimensionally whereas in the sixth and seventh volumes, he reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were the 'doctrinaire' and 'vicious' 'Reds' and had to be punished. In brief, with 『Jirisan』, he represented 'partisans' in the background of history before and after the emancipation and segmented the discourse, representation and ideology of the Cold War system, but in the process of revision, he stitched up 'partisans' as beings that were evil and losers. Consequently, with 『Jirisan』, he revealed the process of division and contention that proceeded around anti-communism/capitalism within the abyss of the 1970's to 80's and reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were either 'hostile (the Reds)' or 'unknown (losers)

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.171-197
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• 2023

The traditional Korean society has been classified as an Eastern collectivist culture, but in the flow of globalization and digitalization along with the post-Cold War era of the 1970s, Western individualistic culture and values quickly permeated the Korean younger generation. Since rapid changes occurred within a short period of time, there may be differences in cultural self-construal between generations living in the same era. Due to this, psychological problems related to emotional expression and suppression may appear differently depending on generations. Therefore, in the current study, 1,000 Korean adult men and women from their 20s to 60s were investigated for their level of independent and interdependent self-construal, alexithymia, ambivalence over emotional expression(AEE) and emotional suppression(ES). Then the relationship between the variables(self-construal and alexithymia,) and the mediating process of AEE and ES were examined. The generation of participants were divided into the industrialization cohort (birth year < 1970) and the digitalization cohort (birth year starting from 1970). Using the PROCESS macro(Hayes, 2022), we tested a serial mediation model of AEE and ES between the relative independent self-construal(RIS) and alexithymia. The results indicate that the level of alexithymia increases by the serial increase of AEE and ES when RIS decreases. Next, we examined a moderation effect of generatione on the mediation process of AEE and ES, and found that generation moderates the relationship between ES and alexithymia. That is, the effect of ES on alexithymia is significant for the digitalization cohort, while it is not significant for the industrialization cohort. The current results imply that emotion regulation strategies of Koreans have been differently developed according to prevailing cultural values in each generation, and that the negative influence of emotion suppression could be different according to the cultural background of each generation.