• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.100-117
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• 2020

National Treasure no. 101, the stupa of State Preceptor Jigwang from the Beopcheonsa Temple Site in Wonju has been transferred from place to place and reassembled several times since it was built. In particular, overall dismantling and repair was carried out in 1957 to restore parts damaged by bombing during the Korean War. Documented information on the repair process and materials used at that time does not exist. However, various types of metal materials used for this stupa have been identified during conservation work. Besides clamps anchor bolts, 9mm-thick circular rebars were mainly used for joining the parts of this stupa, while circular rebars and wires of various thicknesses were used for joining the parts with mortar restoration materials. Although deformed bars are typically used for stone pagodas classified as architectural structures, smooth circular rebars were used in this case. In terms of restoration using mortar, material shapes were transformed, bound alternately, and twisted irregularly to improve bonding strength and coherence in order to insert restoration materials and to bolster structural weaknesses. In addition, metallographic analysis showed the material to be hypo-eutectoid steel with low carbon content. Many non-metallic inclusions in the shape of drops of different sizes were included, which do not affect the whole elemental composition due to the very small quantities involved. Qualitative and EPMA analysis of Mn and S, which were not identified by SEM-EDS area analysis, established an even distribution of MnS in crystal grains of the microstructure, regardless of the shape of the samples. It is presumed that secondary homogenization and softening might have been conducted after manufacturing to facilitate the working process. Furthermore, in consideration of properties indicating that the thinner the steel is, the less carbon content contained and the greater the elasticity and elongation, it is judged that restoration work was ordered.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.214-224
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• 2010

Gravity and Magnetic survey data were analyzed to investigate the geophysical characteristics and regional geological structures of the southwestern Yellow Sea. The set of data about the southwestern part of the Yellow Sea in Korea was one collected by the Korea Ocean Research and Development Institute (KORDI) in 2003, 2004, and 2005. The Yellow Sea has a few basins and the study area also includes parts of the Heuksan Basin and the East China Sea Basin. The bathymetry of the study area ranges from about ?40 m southwestward near China to about 150 m northeastward near Korea. The bathymetry has the gentle rise and fall and the smooth slope. The gravity anomalies, from sea surface gravity and satellite gravity data, reflect the basement rocks rather than the smooth bathymetry. The gravity anomalies are higher on Northeastern part of the study area and lower over the South of the Heuksan Basin. The analytic signal from the Bouguer anomaly shows higher anomalous zones near the boundaries of the basins. The magnetic anomalies and the analytic signal, from the magnetic data, suggest that the complex anomalies on the Northern part are attributed to the volcanic intrusions and that the smooth patterns in the Southern part are based on the lack of the intrusions. The power spectrum analysis of the Bouguer anomalies and the magnetic anomalies indicate that the depth to the Moho discontinuity varies from about 30.2 to 28.3 km and that the depths of the basement rocks and the Eocene discontinuity range from about 8.4 to 8 km and from about 1.5 to 1.7 km, respectively. The inversion of the Bouguer anomaly shows that the Moho depth to the Western part of the study area near China is slightly deeper than the Eastern part near Korea. The result of 2-D gravity modeling has a good coherence with the results of the analytic signal, the power spectrum analysis, and the inversion.

• Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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• v.33 no.5_3
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• pp.855-866
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• 2017

Several research cases using remote sensing methods to analyze changes of storage and dynamics of groundwater aquifer were reviewed in this paper. The status of groundwater storage, in an area with regional scale, could be qualitatively inferred from geological feature, surface water altimetry and topography, distribution of vegetation, and difference between precipitation and evapotranspiration. These qualitative indicators could be measured by geological lineament analysis, airborne magnetic survey, DEM analysis, LAI and NDVI calculation, and surface energy balance modeling. It is certain that GRACE and InSAR have received remarkable attentions as direct utilization from satellite data for quantification of groundwater storage and dynamics. GRACE, composed of twin satellites having acceleration sensors, could detect global or regional microgravity changes and transform them into mass changes of water on surface and inside of the Earth. Numerous studies in terms of groundwater storage using GRACE sensor data were performed with several merits such that (1) there is no requirement of sensor data, (2) auxiliary data for quantification of groundwater can be entirely obtained from another satellite sensors, and (3) algorithms for processing measured data have continuously progressed from designated data management center. The limitations of GRACE for groundwater storage measurement could be defined as follows: (1) In an area with small scale, mass change quantification of groundwater might be inaccurate due to detection limit of the acceleration sensor, and (2) the results would be overestimated in case of combination between sensor and field survey data. InSAR can quantify the dynamic characteristics of aquifer by measuring vertical micro displacement, using linear proportional relation between groundwater head and vertical surface movement. However, InSAR data might now constrain their application to arid or semi-arid area whose land cover appear to be simple, and are hard to apply to the area with the anticipation of loss of coherence with surface. Development of GRACE and InSAR sensor data preprocessing algorithms optimized to topography, geology, and natural conditions of Korea should be prioritized to regionally quantify the mass change and dynamics of the groundwater resources of Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.66-80
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• 2009

This paper attempts to investigate how the cultural phenomena associated with 'Wuyi-Doga(武夷棹歌)' and 'Wuyi-Gugok (武夷九曲)' was introduced to Joseon. The icon and code of 'Gugok' cultural text which was observed in the process of transmitting the culture through repetition and imitation were examined. With regard to research methodology, an 'analysis and discussion framework' was designed based on the literature review, field survey and the seven textuality criteria proposed by Dressier. Then the textuality of 'Wuyi-Gugok' was analyzed in terms of the dependent relation of text, the relationship between the creator and user, repetition, imitation and the spread process. Since ZhouHee(朱熙)'s 'Wuyi-Doga' and 'Wuyi-Gugok' were introduced to Joseon through literature and paintings, they became a part of the cultural Phenomena with unprecedented popularity. As a result, a great number of imitations can be found. In addition, governors would even take care of political affairs in a scenic mountain valley as described in this literature. Regardless of the writer's intentiot 'Gugok' settled in Joseon as new culture in harmony with Taoism and Sung COnfucianism. In other words, Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim(九曲園林) accepted the nature-appreciation aesthetic consciousness in 'Wuyi-Doga' and 'Wuyi-Gugok' on the basis of Taoism and Sung Confucianism. In terms of the text-based dependent relation only, however, the geographical coherence was somewhat loosened while the Gugok Culture that was dependent on Taoism or elegance in life dominated the internal structure of the textuality. Meantime, the internal factors that dominated the textuality of 'Wdyi-Gugok' were interpreted as 1) 'Aesthetics of Bending, Water Whirls', 2) 'Territoriality Expression Carve letters,' 3) 'Cultural Landscape seeing through the Speculation of Meaning,' 4) 'The Pursuit of Oddness and Presentationism' and 5) 'Transcendental Landscape of Taoism and Topos.'

• Broadcasting and Media Magazine
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.85-98
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• 2005

About the phenomenon of being imaged of everything, the scholars of the humanities who had studied on the simple reason structure in a text have been in a big agony how accept it. Especially, semiologists have studied about this for a long time and the points at issues of Saussure, Peirce as well as Umbeto Eco are more outstanding. Being based upon his philosophic interesting from medieval esthetics to modern semiotics, Eco was very concerned about the field of general esthetics and poputar arts like television and cartoons. He connected the mutual open-relations between 'signifier' and 'signified' debated in Semiotics with the open and vague modern arts and regarding it as a deviation from the custom, intensively studied the film-media. Saussure is a representative figure of semiotics and explained Sign and the character of semiotics as the division into two parts such as signifier/ signified, form/ substance, langue/ parole, synchrony/ diachrony. The triadic semiotics (the theory that Sign is composed of the triadic structure like sign, referent and interpretant) of Peirce put the new item- 'interpretant' in sign and referent to connect them and open the possibility to introduce time in to the Sign. In this paper, I try to analyze a cartoon film in the semiotic structure with the systemic, reasonable and logical approach and analysis as as possible. While the images shown through a film were depended on the romantic and impressional judge in the past, due to semiotics, it' s quite possible to correlate the procedure of symbolization to social coherence so that we analyze the incredible power of images to suck audiences with the systemetic Sign. I accept all ot film-images including a cartoon film as not the simple esthetic arts but a social custom and system, want to serve as a aid to properly understand world and humanbeings and prevent the film-image from being mystic. A cartoon and a cartoon film which were begun with the link of a text and an illustration give shape to all of images such as materials, places and even thoughts with a cartoon icon existed in only a cartoon. A cartoon and a cartoon film simply and exquistely conceptualize the complex and vague attribute of an organic creature and extend them infinetly beyond language. However, it can be exploited as a mysticism to temptate the general public and a faking material. In addition to that, it can distort our world-knowledge engaging a political power and the massive power of mass media. In this paper, being based on semiotics to approach a cartoon film in a scientific and organic system, I conclude that a non-linguistic cartoon expression is entangled with the manifold signs and implies the supplementary meanings just like a regular linguistic expression. It remarks that the iconic images of a cartoon film are composed of the social codes and can be analyzed on grounds of a linguistic system.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.70
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• pp.63-88
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• 2007

The purpose of this writing is to examine the places and instruments of the dissection for deformed animal carcasses excavated in shellfish stacks of the period of the Proto-Three Kingdoms(삼한) and the Three Kingdoms(삼국). The remains were chosen, which had been excavated and finished in the analysis of the animal carcasses, and the main objects are all shells and deer, especially among Mammalia. As the result, the dissection of shells was not taken place in the habitats of the animals, but inside or around of the residence of the people. For deer, too, it was done in the public place or specific area around and inside the residence. As concerns the method of dissection for shells, for Pelecypoda(부족류), represented by Meretrix lusoria(백합), the inner meat was taken out by wrenching the shell with a kind of small knives, or by boiling, and sometimes by cracking the middle of the shell in the case of big Meretrix lusoria and Dosinorbis japonicus(떡조개). For Rapana venosa(피뿔고둥), representative of Gastropoad(배발류), the people broke the top or some parts of the body to get the inner meat or used some kind of needles and stylus to pick the inner meat out after boiling. Abalones‘ meat was attached firmly to the shell, so very sharp and proper metal instruments were used to take the meat out Relatively small-sized Reishia clavigera(대수리),Top shell(밤고둥) meats were taken out by breaking the top parts after boiling, then sucking the meats, or by picking them out by using needles and stylus in the original shape. In the case of large Mammalia like deer, in the full consideration of the point that deer itself are used in various ways, they were dissected in the order of skinning, taking out the internal organs, cutting front and rear legs, separating joint parts and meats, extracting bone-marrow by 철정, 철부, ironed hand knife in very delicate ways. It seems that skinning, and front and rear legs' cutting were taken place in the place around the residence, on the other hand joint parts' separating and bone-marrow extracting in the residence. The tools for the dissection were confirmed to be hand-knife, honed ax, hammer stone, bondstone, needles and stylus, and some other sharp instrument. They were used properly according to objects.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.