• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제32권6호
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• pp.498-512
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• 2017

The aim of this study was to introduce the foods recorded in "Bongjeopyoram", a cookbook, of which the date of production and author are unknown. This was described in an old document belonging to the Hansan Lee family clan from Chungcheongnam-do and revealed its content and significance in the food culture history of Korea to academia for the first time, A close examination of "Bongjeopyoram" showed that, as with other cookbooks from the Joseon Dynasty, it started with methods of making alcoholic beverages. This was followed by recipes for different types of food in the following order: rice cakes and confectioneries, jeol-sik (seasonal foods), daily meals, foods made for jesa (ancestral rites) or a feast, food for weddings, and food for sijeol-jesa (seasonal ancestral rites). The book contained a total of 18 types of alcoholic beverages, 11 types of rice cakes and confectioneries, 20 types of daily meals, 28 types of jeol-sik and food for sijeol-jesa, 12 types of food for jesa and feasts, and 37 types of food for weddings, for a total of 126 types of food and beverages. "Bongjeopyoram" was an ancient cookbook with detailed records on how to carry out jesa, which was an important event hosted by jonggas, or the head family of a family clan, and how to receive and serve guests in the Joseon period. This book is expected to play a valuable role as a guidance with significance as a cookbook of a jongga from the Joseon Dynasty, a time when bongjesajeopbingaek (hosting jesa for one's ancestors and serving one's guest) was considered important.

• 한국농촌건축학회논문집
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.25-35
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• 2023

According to this study, it is estimated that the ILDU historic house was constructed around the late Goryeo period, approximately in the year 1360, and the founder moved to Hamyang no earlier than 1350. The main house, the inner store-house, the inner gatehouse, and the ancestral shrine, which are situated on elevated ground, were initially constructed around 1360, and substantial expansions and renovations occurred around 1620. The shrine was relocated and reconstructed in its present location and form around 1843. Subsequent to that period, it underwent various architectural changes, including repairs and reconstructions. The sub-main house was originally constructed around 1620 and underwent a reconstruction in 1843. The main storehouse was built in 1930. Also, the man's part of house, located on lower ground, was erected in 1843, while the other sub-main house seems to constructed around 1860. The auxiliary buildings, the main gatehouse and the outer storehouse, were initially constructed around 1360. It is estimated that they were similarly relocated and reconstructed in their current form, along with the construction of the man's part of house in 1843. It has undergone a four-stage transformation process, influenced by various internal and external factors, including the local indigenization of the ILDU families of the same clan, as well as the popularization of Confucian ideology. These four stages include its formative period, growth phase, developmental stage, and maturity. It actively incorporated the contemporary factors of change into its residential architecture. This continuous adaptation is evident in its the space and floor plan, ultimately leading to its present-day architectural legacy.

• 한국농촌건축학회논문집
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.17-24
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• 2023

This study is about the traditional house of Kim Myeong-Gwan, the founder of Gwangsan Kim clan(光山金氏) and the 30th grandson of Heunggwang, the 49th king of the Unified Silla Dynasty. He sought a place to take refuge due to a plot and built a house in Jeongeup, adjacent to Yeonsan or Nonsan, Chungcheong-do, which is the home of the Gwangsan Kim clan. The location of old houses was analyzed through Hyeongselon(形勢論) and hyeongguklong(形局論) of Pungsu theory. The results of fengshui analysis of the house through fengshui literature that was presumed to have been used at the time are as follows.The dragon(龍) shows an auspicious condition in which the dragon vein is well connected from its roots in the Honam vein to Guksabong Mountain on Josan Mountain, Bibongsan Mountain on Sojo Mountain, and Mt. Changhasan reaching Jusan Mountain. Hyeol(穴) is a type of Wahyeol(窩穴) and is a Hwalwa(濶窩). Hyeolseong(穴星) is a Jeongche-Hyeolseong(正體穴星) and is a Suseong Hyeol(水星穴). HyeolJung(穴證) and Hyeolgi(穴忌) have the conditions to create hyeol. As for Sa(砂), the height of Hyeonmu(玄武) is not that high, but the Jujak(朱雀) is relatively high, the left blue dragon(左靑龍) is complemented by the outer blue dragon(外靑龍), and the right white tiger(右白虎) does not sufficiently surround the house. To compensate for this, Bibosu trees(裨補樹) were planted at the time of the construction of the house. As for the Water element, it appears to be auspicious as it approaches the old house in the form of a curve, but it has the disadvantage of not sufficiently surrounding the house, so an artificial pond is dug as a Bibo Pungsu(裨補風水). Through this study, it was found that Pungsu was applied as an important consideration factore in selecting the location of the house, and that Pungsu was not just a theory but had a practical effect in preserving the life and property of the family under the risky circumstances of the time.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제73호
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

'주부의 명절증후군'이라는 신조어까지 만들어낸 제사 문화와 시집살이 문화는 어쩌면 오랜 전통이 아닌 최근의 문화일 것이라는 생각에서 출발한 본 연구는 조선시대 부권(婦權)의 상실이 조선 후기 성행한 '양반-되기' 문화 때문이라는 것을 밝히는 데 목적이 있다. 조선 중기까지 여성 특히 가정 내 부인은 친정에서 가지고 온 재산과 친정과의 유대를 통해 나름의 권위를 가지고 주체적 삶을 살았다. 하지만 이러한 부권(婦權)은 임병양란 이후 영세해진 가문을 지키기 위해 딸을 상속에서 배제하면서 사라졌다. 그렇지만 전 인구의 양반화가 불가능했기 때문에 양란을 기점으로 종법제에 입각한 성리학적 가부장제가 전 인구로 확산될 수는 없었다. 성리학적 가부장제가 전 인구의 보편적 윤리가 된 것은 양란 이후 지속적 사회 변화 속에서 양반의 수가 급증하였기 때문이다. 게다가 천자부터 평민까지 모든 사람이 종법제를 지켜야 한다는 정주학의 예론은 모든 집안에 '사당'을 두어 조상의 제사를 모시라고 하는 "주자가례"를 통해 실현되었다. 경제력을 상실한 양반이 자신을 양반으로 내세울 수 있는 유일한 근거는 오직 준엄한 의례밖에 없었으며, 양인에서 양반이 된 사람들 또한 양인과의 구별을 위해 '형식적 예'만을 강조할 수밖에 없었다. 이렇게 19세기 조선의 '양반-되기' 문화는 성리학적 가부장제에 의한 예법을 공고히 했다. 이 결과 여성은 오로지 시집을 위해 종사하는 존재가 되었으며 이렇게 하는 것이 남편과 아들의 가문을 지키는 일이라 생각해 스스로를 옥죄기도 했다.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.77-106
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• 2010

카자흐스탄 권력 엘리트와 씨족정치 논의의 핵심이 된 후견-수혜적 네트워크의 문제는 흔히 주즈라는 지역 및 혈통적 연결망이라는 틀을 기본으로 구성되거나 적어도 그의 상당한 영향을 받는다고 주장되어 왔다. 하지만 최근의 정치적 변화와 권력관계의 재편 과정에서 주즈 논쟁은 권력 엘리트의 부상을 설명하는데 한계가 적지 않다는 지적이 제기되고 있다. 본고는 씨족 정치 논의의 한계를 지적한 후, 핵심 권력으로 진출 면에서 상대적으로 밀려난 것으로 평가된 소주즈 출신의 엘리트에 대한 사회 배경을 중심으로 면밀한 관찰을 시도하였다. 그 결과 주즈 내부의 씨족 및 부족적 출신 배경을 권력 엘리트로 성장하는 결정적 요소라고 판단할 근거가 약함을 알 수 있었다. 카자흐스탄 엘리트 현상은 구체적인 역사 상황의 산물이다. 유목 전통 사회에서 엘리트 부상의 주요 고려점이었던 씨족적 배경은 독립 이후 현대 엘리트를 분석하는 불변의 틀이 되기 어렵다. 더욱이 2000년 이래 카자흐스탄은 신권위주의 체제의 기반이 된 대통령 영향력의 절대적 강화와 권력 내부 집단의 재편, 그리고 이들의 결정에 따라 사유화를 비롯한 경제적 변화를 경험하고 있다. 이러한 상황의 변화가 권력 엘리트의 성격에 심대한 영향을 미치고 있음은 재론할 필요가 없다. 특히 전통적으로 소주즈의 비중이 컸던 경제 분야에서 씨족적 연대가 다양한 요인들과 얽히며 자신의 모습을 드러내는 현상은 카자흐스탄의 엘리트 편제는 항상 카자흐스탄의 정치 경제적 변화의 산물임을 보여준다.

• 인문언어
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• 제7집
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• pp.11-30
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• 2005

Historical origins of both personal names and place names in Korea are reviewed. It is shown that names of native origin have been largely replaced by those of Sino-Korean names. Some statistics are given on the basis of the 2000 census data in South Korea. A unique method of naming personal names which contain a generation marker called hangnyol is reviewed. This enables the person to figure out one's position and others in the family tree up to as many as ten generations without going consulting the book of genealogy. While this practice had a role to play in a vertically structured society where seniority is important, it is less practiced as the society is becoming more egalitarian, so that native names, not writable in Chinese characters, are on the rise. In this global age, a person is not just a member of his family or clan, s/he is also a member of the international community. The author proposes several things that should be considered in naming to fit the modern global age: euphony of names, ambiguity, possible bad connotations when Romanized, unintended homophones with comic meanings, etc.

• 복식
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• 제52권6호
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• pp.115-126
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• 2002

This study is regarding on the shroud of Jeonjoo Lee (Inpyoung clan's lady) excavated from the Andong Gwon's grave. who had passed away at 1722. Through this research, we understood the way of fetal ceremony by 18 centuries' royal family, and the costume style in those days. The style and size of shrouds were likely similar with ordinary dress. For the upper dress, Lady Andong Gwon wore a piece of undershirt (sosam), 3 layed jacket(Joggoli), an upper jacket (dangui) with patched badge as well as a gold brocade formal dress(wonsam). And for the lower dress, 2 layed underpants(dansokot) and 2 layed long skirts were worn. Especially, prototype of the waist band for shroud(gowdo) and a kind of headgear(gokdoli) was found in this study along with the headdress for woman's shroud(yomo) and the shoes for woman's shroud(chahwea). In this study, understanding the costume of upper class at 18 centuries during Chosun Dynasty.

• 한국조리학회지
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• 제14권4호
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• pp.292-305
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• 2008

This study examines the relationships among the leadership of hotel managers, organizational culture, and business performance with an empirical analysis. The results of analyzing various factors are as follows. Leadership can be divided into 'democratic leadership' and 'authority leadership'. Organizational culture can also be divided into 'adhocracy culture', 'clan culture', 'hierarchy culture', and 'market culture' while business performance into 'nonfinancial performance' and 'financial performance'. After that, canonical correlation analyses between leadership and organizational culture, organizational culture and business performance, and leadership and business performance were conducted.

• 한국주거학회논문집
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.29-38
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• 1997

This study is to search for the characteristics of spatial structure and elements of architectural composition on the housing and village in Nampeong Moon's Bonli Ma-Yul which formed. from the late nineteenth century to the the early twentieth century. This village had as many as characters of spatial and architectural structures of traditional clan villages previous to the late nineteenth century, but showed housing alternations on social changes of late Cho-Sun dynasty. Main points of these were as follows; 1) As the main doors of the housing were located on the right of Sa-Rang-Chae, men and women's moving lines of coming in and out were not nearly divided. 2)As korean veranda on the right and left, and the front and rear of those were set up, the demand on extension of room area coping with changes of life was satisfied.

• 복식
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• 제43권
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• pp.283-298
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• 1999

Bei-Wei(北魏) arose from Ta-ba clan(拓拔氏), a race belonging to Xian-bei(삼배) and it was the first foreign dynasty that reigned the central area of China in A.D 386-534. Xiao-wen-di(孝文帝) found it necessary to adopt the ruling mechanism of Han race's 'Sino-centralism' so as to establish orthodoxy of Xian-bei dynasty. He ordered Xian-bei people to channge their own costume for the costume of Han race. Costume was one of ruling means in Xiao-wen-di's case. However the revolutionary policy of Sinonizatio by Xiao-wen-di brought abuot serious conflicts and confrontations among classes of Xian-bei Xiao-bei wore their own costume and opposed Xiao-wen-di(孝文帝)'s policy Consequently Xian-wen-di(孝文帝)'s Sinonization policy accelerated the downfall of Bei-Wei(北魏). In the course of reformation and downfall of Bei-Wei(北魏) costume played an important role of representing national indentity.