• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.289-321
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• 1996

After the two big wars (Imjin Woeran and Byungia Horan), the Lee Dynasty confronted rapid transitional periods in almost all aspects of the society. Corruption of the governmental system by the wars and disordered social structures also caused confusion in the social position system. In addition, development of the commercial economic system and monetary economy brought up a new rich middle-class, "Joong in Gyegeup". In ideological aspects, Confucianism indulged in and stick to isms and ics, and the Confucian morality slackened, thus a more pragmatic ideology, "Silhak Sasang", developed. And the emergence of the modern literature and art of the 'common people' was followed by the appearance of the common-people class including those having the common-people concept among the noble-class "Yangban Gyegeup". This evoked a new common costume culture and the fashion appeared. The public could no longer find the power and appeal from the preexisting ruling classes due to the changed role and sense of value. Thus, they sought a new symbolic leader group that would to be the new standard of the newly changed society. That was a group of people called as "Kisaeng" liberal and independent. They were performing social activities, enjoying poetry, music and dancing, and classy dressers, having physically attractive bodies. The erotic as well as luxurious mode proposed by them reflected the trend of that time. It concurred well with the concept and taste of the public, so it was accepted with a good response. That is, by following these leaders, the public achieved their identification and tried to share the prestige of the leaders. For this reason, the Kisaeng group attracted the public attention and led the taste of the public, thereby becoming the influential fashion leaders of that age.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.44-61
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• 2011

This study consider the life and works of Hu ShunShen(胡舜申) who was the author of JiRiSinBub(地理新法) which the representative FengShui book in Choson dynasty. His adult name is RuJia(汝嘉). He was born in on September 6, 1091 at JiXi(績溪) in China as a son of Ho Xian(胡咸). He left his hometown with his family to avoid war and settled down in HuZhou(胡州). He took up an official post with his brother's YinPu(蔭補), and held several provincial official posts. After serving as vice governor(通判) of ShuZhou(舒州), he became supervisor of taoist temple(崇道觀) in TaiZhou(台州) and retired from office. After burying his father, he took an interest in fengShui(風水) and studied for a long time. People say that JiangXiDilixinfa(江西地理新法) is the well-known FengShui book written by him. When he was 74 years old, he suggested opening SheMen(蛇門) gate and XuMen(胥門) gate in SuZhou(蘇州) castle by "WoMenZhongGao(吳門忠告)". But it didn't come ture. He died March 9, 1177 at the age of 87 and was buried in HuZhou(胡州). His elder brother Hu Shunzhi(胡舜陟) and nephew HuZi(胡仔) is well-known. He had a son named Hu wei(胡偉) who served pacification commissioners of JiangXi(江西宣撫使). His Works were YiSiSiZhouLu(乙巳泗州錄), YiYouBiLuanLu(己酉避亂錄) as essay and YinYangBeiYong(陰陽備用), JiRiSinBub(地理新法), "WoMenZhongGao(吳門忠告)" as fengShui text.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.62
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• pp.225-258
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• 2019

Since the opening of Joseon in 1876, the photographic records of the late Joseon Dynasty and the period of the Korean Empire exist more than expected, considering the technological level and the social situations at that time. Photographs related to Korea can be distributed in various forms, such as illustrations of books printed to introduce Korea to Western society, plates of graphic journalism like newspapers or magazines, vintage prints, photo-postcards, stereo-photographs, card-type photographs, and lantern slides. There are still a great deal left in various archives of the Europe, America, Japan and Korea. According to related researchers, Korean-related photographs taken between 1863 and 1910, since Koreans were first photographed, were at least 3,000 to 4,000 cuts and the photo postcards issued was 25,000. It is said that most of them exist. This paper categorizes two ways of producing and distributing photographic records related to Korea, which were early modern times. The subjects of the photographs are clearly Korea or Koreans, but most of the producers of these photographs were Westerners and Japanese, who were imperial servants of imperialism. In the case of photography, there is a great possibility of distortion of the facts depending on the needs or perspectives of the producers. In order to correct the distortion, not only the contents of the photograph but also the intention of the producer, the production and the communication status should be grasped. This is because the problem of reading photograph records accurately and fairly in an age where there is no real experience is the cornerstone for understanding modern Korea correctly and broadly studying the Modern History of Korea.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.432-552
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• 1996

The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era(金元代) on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮朝) can be summarized as follows. 1. The four noted physicians of Geum-Won era were Yoo-Wan-So(劉完素), Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正), Lee-Go(李杲), Ju-Jin-Heung(朱震亨). 2. Yoo-Wan-So(劉完索) made his theory on the basic of Nae-Kyung("內經") and Sane-Han-Lon("傷寒論"), his idea of medicine was characterized in his books, for exemple, application of O-Oon-Yuk-Ki(五運六氣), Ju-Wha theory(主火論) and hang-hae-seng-je theory(亢害承制論). from his theory and method of study, many deviations of oriental medicine occurred. He made an effort for study of Nae-Kyung, which had been depressed for many years, on the contrary of the way old study that Nae-Kyung had been only explained or revised, he applied the theory of Nae-Kyung to clinical care. The theory of Yuk-Gi-Byung-Gi(六氣病機) and On-Yeul-Byung(溫熱病) had much influenced on his students and posterities, not to mention Jang-Ja-Wha and Ju-Jin-Heung, who were among the four noted physicians therefore he became the father of Yuk-Gi(六氣) and On-Yeul(溫熱) schools. 3. Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正) emulated Yoo-Wan-So as a model, and followed his Yuk-Gi-Chi-Byung(六氣致病) theory, but he insisted on the use of the chiaphoretic, the emetic and the paregoric to get rid of the causes, specially he insisted on the use of the paregoric, so they called him Gong-Ha-Pa(攻下派). He insisted on the theory that if we would strenthen ourselves we should use food, id get rid of cause, should use the paregoric, emetic and diaphoretic. Jang-Jong-Jung'S Gang-Sim-Wha(降心火) theory, which he improved Yoo-Wan-So's Han-Ryang(寒凉) theory influenced to originate Ju-Jin-Heung'S Ja-Eum-Gang-Wha(滋陰降火) theory. 4. Lee-Go(李杲) insisted on the theory that Bi-Wi(脾胃) played a loading role in the physiological function and pathological change, and that the internal disease was originated by the need of Gi(氣) came from the disorder of digestive organs, and that the causes of internal disease were the irregular meal, the overwork, and mental shock. Lee-Go made an effort for study about the struggle of Jung-Sa(正邪) and in the theory of the prescription he asserted the method of Seung-Yang-Bo-Gi(升陽補氣), but he also used the method of Go-Han-Gang-Wha(苦寒降火). 5. The authors of Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳"), Eui-Hak-Ib-Moon("醫學入門"), and Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") analyzed the medical theory of the four noted physicians and added their own experiences. They helped organizing existing complicated theories of the four noted physicians imported in our country, and affected the formation of medical science in the Choson dynasty largely. Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳") was written by Woo-Dan(虞槫), in this book, he quoted the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, especially, Ju-Jin-Heung was respected by him, it affected the writing of Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要"). Eui-Hak-ib-Moon("醫學入門"), written by Lee-Chun(李杲), followed the medical science of Lee-Go and ju-jin-heung from the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. Its characteristics of Taoism, idea of caring of health, and organization affected Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). Gong-Jung-Hyun(龔延賢) wrote Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") using the best part of the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, this book affected Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") partly. 6. our medical science was developed from the experience of the treatment of disease obtained from human life, these medical knowledge was arranged and organized in Hyang-Yak-Jib-Sung-Bang("鄕藥集成方"), medical books imported from China was organized in Eui-Bang-Yoo-Chwi("醫方類聚"), which formed the base of medical development in the Chosun dynasty. 7. Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要") was written by Jung-Kyung-Sun(鄭敬先) and revised by Yang-Yui-Soo(楊禮壽). It was written on the base of Woo-Dan's Eui-Jung-Jun, which compiled the medical science of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. It contained confusing theories of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era and organized medical books of Myung era, therefore it completed the basic form of Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治) influenced the writing of Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). 8. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑") was written on the base of basic theory of Eum-Yang-O-Haeng(陰陽五行) and the theory of respondence of heaven and man(天人相應說) in Nae-Kyung. It contained several theories and knowledge, such as the theory of Essence(精), vitalforce(氣), and spirit(神) of Taoism, medical science of geum-won era, our original medical knowledge and experience. It had established the basic organization of our medical science and completed the Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham developed medical science from simple medical treatment to protective medical science by caring of health. And it also discussed human cultivation and Huh-Joon's(許浚) own view of human life through the book. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham adopted most part of Lee-Go(李杲) and Ju-Jin-Heung's(朱震亨) theory and new theory of "The kidney is the basis of apriority. The spleen is the basis of posterior", so it emphasized the role of spleen and kidney(脾腎) for Jang-Boo-Byung-Gi(臟腑病機). It contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of the cause and treatment of disease by colour or fatness of man(black or white, fat or thin). It also contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of "phlegm break out fever, fever break out palsy"(痰生熱 熱生風) and the theory of Sang-Wha(相火論). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham contained Lee-Go's theory of Wha-Yu-Won-Bool-Yang-Lib (火與元氣不兩立論) quoted the theory of Bi-Wi(脾胃論) and the theory of Nae-Oi-Sang-Byun(內外傷辨). For the use of medicine, it followed the theory by Lee-Go. lt used Yoo-Wan-So'S theory of Oh-Gi-Kwa-Keug-Gae-Wi-Yul-Byung(五志過極皆爲熱病) for the treatment of hurt-spirit(傷神) because fever was considered as the cause of disease. It also used Jang-Jons-Jung's theory of Saeng-Keug-Je-Seung(生克制勝) for the treatment of mental disease. 9. Lee-je-ma's Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") adopted medical theories of Song-Won-Myung era and analyzed these theories using the physical constitutional theory of Sa-Sang-In(四象人). It added Dong-Mu's main idea to complete the theory and clinics of Sa-Sang-Eui-Hak(四象醫學). Lee-Je-Ma didn't quote the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era to discuss that the physical constitutional theory of disease and medicine from Tae-Eum-In(太陰人), So-Yang-In(少陽人), So-Eum-In(少陰人), and Tae-Yang-In(太陽人) was invented from their theories.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.81-97
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to examine what people in Korea recognize the cultural symbolism and the planting patterns of 'Guǐmok', pagoda tree(Sophora japonica). The species planted in the 'Guǐjeong' was empirically investigated and analyzed to determine which species of pagoda tree or Zelkova tree(Zelkova serrata) was taken through literature surveys, field surveys, and interviews with persons. This 'Guǐjeong' was combined to track how the culture of the 'Guǐmok' planting introduced in China was ultimately accepted and transformed in Korea. In this study, we tried to analyze the meaning implicit in the mystery while checking the distribution of the mystery and the form of the mystery, the name of the pavilion and its relevance to the contrast medium. Essentially, the trees that govern the characterization of the nectar plant, regardless of the region, are considered to be a pagoda tree, which is considered an internal factor in which the pagoda tree culture was not completely transformed into a zelkova tree. It was recognized throughout the Joseon Dynasty that the species representing 'Prime ministers(三公)' was judged from all the Joseon Dynasty periods, based on the builder of Guǐjeong's Aho(雅號) and Dangho(堂號). It was confirmed that the tree was very likely to be planted in place of the painting tree. But now is selectively zelkova tree is in accordance with the preparation of planting site conditions and areas on behalf of the Change is very high probability that is planted. Cultural variables that led to the cultural transformation of the 'Guǐmok' seem to have been deeply involved in the geographical space of China and Korea, Confucian practices of the Choson society, comings and goings and letter bridge, and network strength with China through the book spread. In addition, the culture of 'Guǐmok' is presumed to have led to cultural custom of the upper class, not the whole class, in the Yeongnam region, it can be said that the independent adaptation to act to recognize 'Guǐmok' as a pagoda tree, that is a Sophora japonica, has occurred very strongly. The difference between the cultural areas of Yeongnam and non-Yeongnam is also considered to be an internal factor that has played a major role in the cultural transformation of planting of 'Guǐmok'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.303-330
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is figuring out the modern understanding of SimChong Jeon's narrative and its storytelling strategy in the movie (2014). In the movie, there are three steps which are based on the temporal flow of narrative. shows the web-like structure of desire especially by focusing on the male character Sim Hakkyu. The relationship among characters in is gradually broken because of the desire. Moreover, the desire pushes Sim Chong who is Sim Hakkyu's daughter into the sacrifice. This part seems similar with the narrative of SimChong-Jeon which has been transmitted since 18~19 century in Choson dynasty. However, also tells a different story which describes the progress of Sim Hakkyu's seeking the real relationship filled with love. This difference is able to make people read with the 'stroytelling' point of view. All the lack or problem in is closely related to the desire of Sim Hakkyu. His narrative is something different from the typical story of SimChong-Jeon. A new narrative of Sim Hakkyu is not Sim Chong centered story but rather the anti of it. 'The other narrative' in seems social practice of storytelling in order to break down the preconception of SimChong-jeon called 'cannon'. This is the storytelling strategy of and it suggests the another way of creating new narrative which is based on the classical cannon.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.143-191
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• 2019

This research argues that Pansori had patrons in its development. Patrons are commonly discussed aspect of history of any art form. Pansori is no exception. While Pansori originally began as the art of the common people, Yangban class became the primary audience. This paper examines the role of royal family of Choson dynasty in development of Pansori. Heungseon Daewongun (흥선대원군) in particular was a Pansori aficionado. The record around Daewongun's involvement to Pansori proves that heavy monetary investment was made. He hosted Pansori competitions and sponsored creation of Pansori tradition, Boseong Sori (보성소리) and Gangsanje (강산제). Also the aspect of Pansori patronage lies not just in Yangban class, but also in Jung'in class, which is roughly analoguous to European bourgeois in that they were not of Yangban class, but had gained monetary status, and had aesthetics of both Yangban and commoner class. I argue that Heungseon Daewongun's ties to the Jung'in class is reflected in his actions towards Pansori artists. The traditions he had sponsored have important characteristics, including sophisticated lyrics heavily utilizing Classical Chinese poetry, highly artistic musical composition, and conservative Confucian ethics. Those characteristics indicate that the Pansori traditions sponsored by the royal patrons have changed to cater to their artistic taste and philosophy. This paper conducts a textual comparative analysis between Gangsanje Pansori Jeokbyeokga (강산제 판소리 적벽가), Dongpyeonje's Pansori Jeokbyeokga (동편제 판소리 적벽가), and Seopyeonje Pansori Jeokbyeokga, who share the same plot yet offers a stark differences in tone, philosophy, and sense of humor. Daewongun was a primary sponsor of Pansori, which proves that Yangban class and the royal family have played important role as patrons of Pansori.