• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.61-75
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• 2012

The historical turbulence between China and Japan started from the First Sino-Japanese War in 1895, and culminated in Japan's invasion of China during World War Two (the Second Sino-Japanese War) between 1937 and 1945. A series of wars caused huge human and material losses in both countries, and both experienced comprehensive transformations during and after the wars. The impact of this historical turbulence is so long-lasting that it still influences both countries' social psyche. Moreover, it continues casting a long shadow upon the current Sino-Japanese relations. The recent turbulence in Sino-Japanese relations partly stems from the historical turbulence. It is much less violent but can also be emotional and worrisome. It started from the early 1980s (the Japanese history textbook controversy in 1982 and the 1985 anti-Japanese student protests in China), and culminated in the anti-Japanese mass demonstrations in multiple Chinese cities in 2005 (Bush 2010; Gries 2005; Reilly 2012; Stockmann 2010; Weiss 2008). In addition to dramatic demonstrations on streets, there are also other forms of movements, such as war reparations movements, in which Chinese war victims demand reparations from the Japanese state and companies (Rose 2005; Xu and Fine 2010; Xu and Pu 2010). Although the tension has existed for many years and surfaced from time to time, the eruption of the nationwide anti-Japanese movements in China in 2005 still shocked many outside observers. Many scholars have tried to explain the anti-Japanese sentiment within current Chinese society that underlies and drives these social movements. Through careful reexamination of the existing literature, this article proposes an explanation for the anti-Japanese sentiment from a perspective that stresses the shifting state-society interaction in China's Japan policy. Specifically, the totalitarian Chinese state's neglect and suppression of genuine social concerns regarding Japan in earlier years, followed by a relatively liberalized state that tolerates societal participation in Sino-Japanese relations, are an importance source of the anti-Japanese sentiment recently observed in China.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.121-133
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• 2004

This study is about japanese national suit. women's standard dress, and mompe, which were used as a means of controlling people's life and simplifying people's clothing during the chinese-japanese war(1937) and the pacific war(1941-1945). National suit was a semi-military uniform for men and it was the western style suit composed of jacket, under shirt, and pants. National suit was not popular during the early war, but it became popular afterward. Women's standard dress had the two kinds of styles : the kimono and the western style. Women's standard dress was not popularly distributed. Instead, many japanese women wore mompe, the active wear of standard dress. Almost all of japanese women wore mompe by the end of war because of its practical use. The effects of national suit, standard dress, and mompe on the rapid westernization of postwar japanese clothing can be summarized as follows. First, national suit and standard dress contributed to the official acceptance of the western clothes as japanese daily clothes. Second, national suit, standard dress, and mompe changed the traditional view of japanese on clothing and caused the rapid westernization of japanese clothing with the high emphasis on the practical and functional use of clothing. Especially, as japanese women wore mompe as the outer garment, mompe affected the view of japanese on women's body and it served as an important stimulus to speed the westernization of japanese women's clothing.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.27
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• pp.105-122
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• 2012

This article aims that Chinese characters represented in Korean films have been explored for historical consideration of Korean's viewpoint on Chinese from early modern to the present day. During Japanese colonial period, Chinese had been hateful and feared by most of Korean because Korean had been acted high-handedly by chinese in early modern time and had covertly regarded chinese as threatening competitors in economical part of the colony, refered to the chinese characters represented in the films, For the Lover(1928) and Secret of Chinese Street(1928). Chinese had been called as enemy forces in Korean movies, such as Marines are Gone(1963), Dragon competed with tiger(1974) made with Korean battle field setting and Manchuria setting developed a Korean independence movement, after Korean War in the 1960-70s maintained the cold war system in the World. According to analyzing chinese characters depicted in Failan(2001), A Good Rain Knows(2010), Korean public have a friendly attitude with contemporary Chinese as China has been the great trade partner of Korea with interdependent relationship after 1992, the year of Korea have established diplomatic ties with China.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.45-53
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• 2003

In the face of trade opportunity of Chinese reformation and opening and the future largest single market, global or multinational companies and Korean, Japanese, Chinese, Hong Kong's and Taiwan's companies will go all out to catch hold of one quotient. One trading war is about to start for funds, elitists, technique, and management in China now. It might be difficult to get profits in Chinese markets. However, risks can bring challenges, and competition can make progress. It's time to prepare for the challenges in the golden opportunity laid in front of us all.

• Genomics & Informatics
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.208-215
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• 2014

Recently, new methods have been developed for estimating the current and recent changes in effective population sizes. Based on the methods, the effective population sizes of Korean populations were estimated using data from the Korean Association Resource (KARE) project. The overall changes in the population sizes of the total populations were similar to CHB (Han Chinese in Beijing, China) and JPT (Japanese in Tokyo, Japan) of the HapMap project. There were no differences in past changes in population sizes with a comparison between an urban area and a rural area. Age-dependent current and recent effective population sizes represent the modern history of Korean populations, including the effects of World War II, the Korean War, and urbanization. The oldest age group showed that the population growth of Koreans had already been substantial at least since the end of the 19th century.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.113-128
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• 2020

Right before the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1937-1954), the Great Eastern Broadcasting Station (GEBS) was established in Shanghai under the aegis of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (MOFA). Prior to the launching of the GEBS, Japan had not owned similar radio stations in China for years. As a result, the Embassy of Japan in China held rounds of discussions on the plan and Japanese governments, ranging from the MOFA, the Navy, the Army, the Ministry of Communications (MOC), and NHK-Japan Broadcasting Corporation (Nihon Hoso Kyoku) provided financial, technological, and equipment support. In the mid-1930s when the Sino-Japanese relations became intensified, the GEBS assumed the primary role of disseminating government policies to over 30,000 Japanese expatriates in Shanghai to make sure that they could remain settled while supporting military endeavors of the Japanese army once the war between China and Japanese broke out. After 1937, the GEBS became an essential propaganda tool to advance imperial policies of Japan. Although the station differed from the Army-controlled Greater Shanghai Broadcasting Station (Dai Shanhai Hoso Kyoku) in many aspects, it was in line with the latter in terms of advancing wartime ideology of the Japanese empire. As the Japanese-occupied areas were enlarged, target audience of the GEBS also expanded to Chinese people and foreign nationals when Japanese, English, Russian, and Shanghai-dialect news was broadcast by the station. Suffice it to say that the GEBS was closely related to wartime propaganda of the Japanese imperial expansion.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.47-60
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• 2012

Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.1
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• pp.1-34
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• 2003

Clausewitz's On War is a very difficult classic. Because its manuscript was not completed by him, and the Korean translations are hard to understand. Seven Korean translations of the twelve, all of the Korean translations of On War, are the plagiarisms or very alike to the former translations. It remains only five translations, to that is worth reading. Even the five are composed of Korean, difficult to understand. Because they are full of japanese and chinese terms, the sentence structures too long and complex, and many of terms too 'military'. Now is the time to translate the book new, that is understandable with easy and simple terms and short sentences.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.28
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• pp.111-140
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• 2005

Most of studies on the press during the period of Japanese occupation in Korea have focused on the activities of newspapers in 1920s. These past studies didn't examine the whole process of change of the press under the Japanese occupation in Korea. Thus, this study tried to investigate the change of the tenor of Korean newspaper editorials on the ruling policies during the end of the colonial period in Korea as a part of attempts exceeding the limit of past studies. After the outbreak of the war between China and Japan in 1937, the Korean newspapers were full of stereotyped editorials resembling in a way official gazette. Dong-A Ilbo and Cho-Sun Ilbo represented the purpose of the war was to emancipate Asian countries from Western imperialist countries and to establish the peace of the Asia. Simultaneously, two newspapers played an important role in assimilating the Korean people into the Japanese and mobilizing them to the war, The tenor of these editorials was affected by intensified control over the press and the change of the consciousness of journalists. In conclusion, these newspapers had a harmful influence on the Korean people as a weapon to the movement to organize and mobilize them. Therefore the interest for researching on the pro-Japanese press should be taken in view of 'resistance' and 'collaboration.'

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.33
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• pp.53-75
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• 2013

It is well-known that Chinese saw themselves as the centre of the world until the early 20th century. Since the Opium War 1840, however, belong to the 'general world' the past century. The Opium War made China break away from the Sinocentric spirit. This writing(essay) examines movies from China and the World concern the historical event 'the Opium War.' It also discusses desires that are inherent in narration of each movie and how accord with the real world. The movie The Opium War(1997) directed by XieJin is a work that intended: to wash off the memory of history of disgrace and; to successfully put a disparate piece, Hong Kong, of a puzzle named China together. The Japanese movie Wànshìliúfāng(1943)and The Opium War(1943) were also made for the victory of the Pacific War. They were part of project for uniting the domestic Japan and the colonial outlands - Manchuria and Joseon - that reenacted humiliating history of China, which had been the suzerain of the East Asia The Korean movie The Opium War(1964) was not recalled due to the demand for a lesson from China's painful history, but was recreated by imitating Hong Kong, into where capitalism was transplanted through the Opium War before Korea. History is eventually recalled to the present and the histories, that each different present invokes, are recreated in respective fashion. From their plan to wash off the history of disgrace and successfully return Hong Kong to its native country, China, Japan, and Korea portrayed China, once their cultural suzerain, as impotent East Asia. From their proposition that they should resist the present enemy, the West, together, they imitated the west of the East, which lead the way to achieve modernity. Finally, from their ambition to deviate from their status as developing country, they recalled and reorganized the history, the Opium War.