This study examines crosslinguistic influence on the use of concessive conditionals by Japanese EFL learners. Contrastive analysis suggests that Japanese native speakers may overuse the concessive conditional even if due to partial similarities to Japanese concessive conditionals, whose formal and semantic restrictions are fewer than those of English concessive conditionals. This hypothesis is tested using data from the written module of the International Corpus Network of Asian Learners of English (ICNALE). Comparison of Japanese native speakers with English native speakers and Chinese native speakers reveals the following trends. First, Japanese native speakers tend to overuse concessive conditionals compared to native speakers, while similar overuse is not observed in Chinese native speaker data. Second, non-nativelike uses of even if appear in contexts allowing the use of concessive conditionals in Japanese. Third, while overuse and infelicitous use of even if is observed at all proficiency levels, formal errors are restricted to learners at lower proficiency levels. These findings suggest that crosslinguistic influence does occur in the use of concessive conditionals, and that its particular realization is affected by L2 proficiency, with formal crosslinguistic influence mediated at an earlier stage than semantic cross-linguistic influence.
When two speakers read a text together, the produced speech has been shown to reduce a high degree of variability (e.g., pause duration and placement, and speech rate). This paper provides a quantitative analysis of speech rate variation exhibited in synchronous speech by examining the global and local patterns in two dialects of Mandarin Chinese (Taiwan and Shanghai). We analyzed the speech data in terms of mean speech rate and the reference of "Just Noticeable difference (JND)" within a subject and across subjects. Our findings show that speakers show lower and less variable speech rates when they read a text synchronously than when they read alone. This global pattern is observed consistently across speakers and dialects maintaining the unique local variation patterns of speech rate for each dialect. We conclude that paired speakers lower their speech rates and decrease the variability in order to ensure the synchrony of their speech.
The purpose of this study is to review the functions of {됐어} and {X了} as a discourse marker on different levels, and to examine their similarities and differences. {됐어} has not been widely recognized as a discourse marker in the field of Korean linguistics and Korean language education. Therefore, in order to establish the identity of {됐어} as a discourse marker, the reasons that {됐어} can be regarded as discourse marker were explained prior to the contrastive analysis. As to the method of contrastive analysis for {됐어} and {X了}, they were analyzed on three main dimensions: that is, the textual dimension, the interpersonal dimension, and the metalinguistic dimension in the corpus consisting of scripts of Korean and Chinese sitcoms. The results are as follows. In the textual domain, {됐어} and {X了} have the function of closing the topic in common, while {X了} can indicate a new topic and transmit a topic. In terms of functions in the interpersonal domain, {됐어} and {X了} are commonly used to refuse a partner's proposal or request and to interrupt a partner's speech or action. Furthermore, in the interactional aspect, {됐어} and {X了} performs the function of expressing a response to a preceding utterance and taking the turn of speaking. The difference between them in the interpersonal domain is that {X了} performs the function of correcting a speaker's utterance. In the metalinguistic domain, {됐어} and {X了} are common in that they perform the function of expressing the dissatisfaction of the speaker, showing generosity and making a compromise with the addressee. {X了}'s distinguishing characteristics in this domain is that it can express the attitude of consoling the hearer.
Journal of Institute of Control, Robotics and Systems
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v.11
no.12
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pp.1020-1026
/
2005
In the era of ubiquitous computing, human-friendly man-machine interface is getting more attention due to its possibility to offer convenient services. For this, in this paper, we introduce a 'Half-Mirror Interface System (HMIS)' as a novel type of human-friendly man-machine interfaces. Basically, HMIS consists of half-mirror, USB-Webcam, microphone, 2ch-speaker, and high-speed processing unit. In our HMIS, two principal operation modes are selected by the existence of the user in front of it. The first one, 'mirror-mode', is activated when the user's face is detected via USB-Webcam. In this mode, HMIS provides three basic functions such as 1) make-up assistance by magnifying an interested facial component and TTS (Text-To-Speech) guide for appropriate make-up, 2) Daily weather information provider via WWW service, 3) Health monitoring/diagnosis service using Chinese medicine knowledge. The second one, 'display-mode' is designed to show decorative pictures, family photos, art paintings and so on. This mode is activated when the user's face is not detected for a time being. In display-mode, we also added a 'healing-window' function and 'healing-music player' function for user's psychological comfort and/or relaxation. All these functions are accessible by commercially available voice synthesis/recognition package.
One of the distinctive features of Korean language is that it has a fine hierarchical regimentation of language uses, perhaps finer than English, Chinese or Japanese. If English language uses have a hierarchical structure they are to be thick. You may respond to any of your male colleagues often by saying either "Yes, Sir" or "Yes, John". But Korean speakers attend to the One grades of differences of social positions of a speaker and a hearer and they show the respect of the difference by adding or dropping relevant suffixes of verbs which Korean language has developed. For example, one yew difference would affect how you choose a suffix of verbs you use to speak to your hearer and two year difference often leads to the adoption of still another fitting suffix of the same verb. One year criterion works not only in 3my barracks, school dormitories but also in government offices. business sectors. Korean speaking people have been taught to use this finely regimented hierarchical language. I try, in this paper, to develop the idea that hierarchical regimentation of Korean language uses is not humane. 1 of for the main argument for the thesis as what follows: How could one justify the hierarchical regimentation of a language like Korean\ulcorner Only if there is an essential structure in which the fine grades of differences of social positions of all the people are distinct; The essentialism here involved is not plausible. And I may add that language is to be used fur the purposes of communication, rationalization and expression. If true, language use is a genuine art of liberation or humanization. Any overt hierarchical language tends to damage those purposes and more to enforce those oppressive elements already existing in the community. Then, a hierarchical language is to defeat its own purpose.
In languages such as Japanese, it is very common to observe that short peripheral vowel are completely voiceless when surrounded by voiceless consonants. This phenomenon has been known as Montreal French, Shanghai Chinese, Greek, and Korean. Traditionally this phenomenon has been described as a phonological rule that either categorically deletes the vowel or changes the [+voice] feature of the vowel to [-voice]. This analysis was supported by Sawashima (1971) and Hirose (1971)'s observation that there are two distinct EMG patterns for voiced and devoiced vowel in Japanese. Close examination of the phonetic evidence based on acoustic data, however, shows that these phonological characterizations are not tenable (Jun & Beckman 1993, 1994). In this paper, we examined the vowel devoicing phenomenon in Korean using data from ENG fiberscopic and acoustic recorders of 100 sentences produced by one Korean speaker. The results show that there is variability in the 'degree of devoicing' in both acoustic and EMG signals, and in the patterns of glottal closing and opening across different devoiced tokens. There seems to be no categorical difference between devoiced and voiced tokens, for either EMG activity events or glottal patterns. All of these observations support the notion that vowel devoicing in Korean can not be described as the result of the application of a phonological rule. Rather, devoicing seems to be a highly variable 'phonetic' process, a more or less subtle variation in the specification of such phonetic metrics as degree and timing of glottal opening, or of associated subglottal pressure or intra-oral airflow associated with concurrent tone and stricture specifications. Some of token-pair comparisons are amenable to an explanation in terms of gestural overlap and undershoot. However, the effect of gestural timing on vocal fold state seems to be a highly nonlinear function of the interaction among specifications for the relative timing of glottal adduction and abduction gestures, of the amplitudes of the overlapped gestures, of aerodynamic conditions created by concurrent oral tonal gestures, and so on. In summary, to understand devoicing, it will be necessary to examine its effect on phonetic representation of events in many parts of the vocal tracts, and at many stages of the speech chain between the motor intent and the acoustic signal that reaches the hearer's ear.
Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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v.20
no.11
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pp.2125-2130
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2016
In this paper, we researched the excellency of 3D graphic nursery contents which is developed by mobile AR technology. AR technology has currently people's attention because of the potential to be core contents of future ICT industry. We applied AR nursery contents for kid's subtitle language selection in Korean, Chinese and English education. The original fairy tale consisted of 6~8 scenes for the 3D contents production, and was adapted and translated. Dubbing was dubbed by the native speaker using the standard pronunciation, and the effect sound was edited separately to fit the scene. After composing a scenario, constructing a 3D model, constructing a interaction, constructing a sound effect, and creating content metadata, the Unity 3D game engine is executed to create a project and describe it as a script. It provides a fun and informative tradition of fairy tales with abundant content that incorporates ICT technology, accepting advanced technology-based education, and having opportunities to perceive software in daily life.
Biographical film is a genre narrativizing the actual person and history, and reproducing the character and history in a biographical film is in a dimension different from a film focused on a fiction. Discussion between these methods of narrative composition and image reproduction in a biographical film is also, in line with artistic/aesthetic problems and ethical/philosophical theses of the film text. This study discusses the phase of the way of reproduction of the actual person, $Xi{\bar{a}}o$$H{\acute{o}}ng$ in the biographical film, The Golden Era and the time she lived in a biographical film and how the audience's discussion of the film and socio-cultural discourse differ depending on their attitude towards the cinematic introspection of the text. The narrative structure, the method of image reproduction and cinematic devices of the film, The Golden Era are completely off the point of the general format of the traditional biographical film. In The Golden Era, $Xi{\bar{a}}o$$H{\acute{o}}ng$ and the history which she lived in did not revive depending on an omniscient subject's selective statement and meta-film structure. Ann Hui removed general, mythic images of $Xi{\bar{a}}o$$H{\acute{o}}ng$ formed in the field of traditional Chinese culture and reproduced her through multilateral visions of a real, fictional narrator. Each spectator's judgment and interpretation of the film intervene in the multi-layered and sparse descriptions of the actual person's images and the era of the characters. Through this, it is possible to approach the uniqueness and authenticity a historical character, $Xi{\bar{a}}o$$H{\acute{o}}ng$ and to have an opportunity of multi-layered reflection on how to secure a critical distance and make a perception in historical judgment.
This paper examines the differences of two different versions of "Cheonuisogameonhae" in terms of stylistics and investigates factors affecting the differences. The interpretations between the woodblock edition and the manuscript edition might be different depending on assumed range of readership, and the stylistic differences between two editions might be different depending on the possibility of extension of the reading population. Thus, this paper examines how stylistic effects are reflected in inter-relations between a translator as a speaker and readers as listeners according to speaker intentions. In Chapter 2, the stylistic differences reflected from two difference editions are examined in terms of the expression of a writer's respect, emotions, and formal consciousness to readers. The expressions of a writer's respect are more clearly emerged in the manuscript edition than in the woodblock edition. The honorific expression of a subject, '-gyeo?dsyeo', and the honorific expression of a writer, '-s?p-', are more frequently used in the manuscript edition than in the woodblock edition. In order to express positive emotions, exclamation endings are used in the manuscript edition, which shows the writer's strong emotional sympathy with readers' words and behaviors. On the other hand, in the woodblock edition, '-이' is used after names in order to treat rebellious subjects and people involved in conspiracy contemptuously by the use of informal forms. In addition, affirmative sentences in the manuscript edition and double negative sentences in the woodblock edition are used respectively, which intends to strongly emphasize a king's will and the appropriateness of the will. The writer's formal consciousness to readers are found in the way of writing names of people and places in Korean. Chinese characters are generally used two show formal consciousness; thus, names of people and places are expressed in Chinese characters in the woodblock edition. In Chapter 3, factors that made the stylistic differences between two editions are examined. The factors causing stylistic differences are examined in terms of the purpose of the interpretation, the class and range of the reading population, a writer's attitudes toward readers, and the face-to-fact situation of a writer and readers.
Jeong Geuk-in was a poet of the early Joseon period. He lived for 45 years before Hangeul was published and 35 years afterwards. So, he wrote poetry both in Chinese and Korean. He was a creative writer who wrote Korean poems and songs. There were only a few works written in Korean including and before him. His Korean poems are , and . He created Korean poems and songs by unifying three literary forms of Sijo, Gyeong-gi-che-ga and Gasa. This study was intended to examine written in Korean. For the study, the form of the Bul-woo-heon-ga was analyzed and it was considered as Saseolsijo (a form of sijo with no restrictions on the length of the first two verses) for genre classification. However, it is generally thought that the Saseolsijo appeared in the seventeenth century. Therefore, this study is to explain the reason why Bul-woo-heon-ga is included in Saseolsijo. Another problem is that the writer of Bul-woo-heon-ga is not Jeong Geul-in, because of the fact that the speaker who appears in Bul-woo-heon-ga admired Jeong Geuk-in. In general, people do not admire themselves. As Jeong Geuk-in is a subject to be admired in the book, it is thought that the writer of the book is considered as one of his pupils or friends.
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