• Strategy21
• /
• 통권40호
• /
• pp.162-189
• /
• 2016

This research deals with the PLAN's capabilities and its implication for regional security, and suggests some measures for maritime security cooperation among regional states. China has began to focus its national strategy more on 'rising as a new maritime power' since the 18th Party Convention in November 2012. Chinese new strategy aims at building a strong navy, contributing economic prosperity and national security, and thus elevating its prestige in international society. Most of all, building a strong navy is the foremost task at this time, and that is why the PLAN has the priority for military modernization. Chinese new maritime strategy could cause naval arms race in East Asia and aggravate maritime territorial disputes among concerned parties. It is the time for regional states to discuss some measures to build confidence, such as arms control of naval weapons, establishment of multilateral maritime security mechanism, and foundation of regional security regime, thus enhancing regional maritime cooperation.

• 안보군사학연구
• /
• 통권3호
• /
• pp.121-167
• /
• 2005

The great strategy of China has been changing depending on the time, change of surrounding environment and personality of leaders of the time. However, the process of the change was not the drastic change but has maintained the consistency through the course of modification and development. The great strategy of Mao Ze-dong was to have the objective in 'World Great Nation' with the facilitation of the 'Surpass Strategy' and 'Autonomy, Independence and Alliance strategy' to successfully build up the political great nation, but he entrapped China's politics and economy into the point of no return by excessive war preparation under 'The Principle of Inevitable World War', striving of rapid communism and other policies. The Deng Xiao-ping era also targeted for ‘World Great Nation’ but, unlike Mao Ze-dong, he had the foundation in the 'The Principle of Evitable World War' and undertook the ‘Peace and Development Strategy’ and ‘Peaceful Coexistence' to build up the advantageous surrounding environment for China to focus on the economic construction as the core of the nation by establishing ‘The Reform and Opening Strategy’ and 'Three-step Development Strategy‘ to have the successful soft landing of the Chinese economy with the astonishing economic development. The system of leader's group of China after Deng Xiao-ping succeeded the practical and realistic spirit of Deng Xia-ping, and based on the drastically grown economic strength, the great strategy of China is on the ‘The Great Reinvigoration of Chinese Nation’. This is one step further from the strategy of 'World Great Nation' of the past that it embraces all the minority races in China, Chinese economic sphere, foreign citizens of Chinese origin as well as Chinese residing abroad. China contemplates the time of making 'The Great Reinvigoration of Chinese Nation’ in 2050, 100 anniversary of the birth of new China.

• 시스템엔지니어링학술지
• /
• 제18권1호
• /
• pp.90-98
• /
• 2022

On February 12, 2019, the U.S. Department of Defense newly established and announced the "Defense AI Strategy" to accelerate the use of artificial intelligence (AI) technology for military purposes. As China and Russia invested heavily in AI for military purposes, the U.S. was concerned that it could eventually lose its advantage in AI technology to China and Russia. In response, China and Russia, which are hostile countries, and especially China, are speeding up the development of new military theories related to the overall construction and operation of the Chinese military based on AI. With the rapid development of AI technology, major advanced countries such as the U.S. and China are actively researching the application of AI technology, but most existing studies do not address the special topic of defense. Fortunately, the "Future Defense 2030 Technology Strategy" classified AI technology fields from a defense perspective and analyzed advanced overseas cases to present a roadmap in detail, but it has limitations in comparing private technology-oriented benchmarking and AI technology's maturity level. Therefore, this study tried to overcome the limitations of the "Future Defense 2030 Technology Strategy" by comparing and analyzing Chinese and U.S. military research cases and evaluating the maturity level of military use of AI technology, not AI technology itself.

• 안보군사학연구
• /
• 통권4호
• /
• pp.241-287
• /
• 2006

16th CPC National Party Congress established multi-polarization strategy as an external strategy, and 'The Great Reinvigoration of Chinese Nation' as the aim of The Great Strategy of China. It is required to maintain stabilized and peaceful surrounding circumstance in order to make it possible. The ideal surrounding circumstance that China is aiming for is to achieve multi-polarization of international society while maintaining strategic deterrence. Multi-polarization now in 'One super Multi powers' is that 'Multi powers' deter 'One super' to prevent predominance of USA and to decentralize the power. China wishes to realign international order as it accomplishes multi-polarization. China who wants 'Peace and Stabilization' emphasizes autonomy, peace and unification of Korean peninsula. Autonomy means the restraint intervention of foreign power, that is, American influence in Korean peninsula. Multi-polarization strategy of China will be used in Korean peninsula to solve nuclear issue of North Korea, to support neutral unification and to keep balance of power with USA, Japan and Russia as it renders economic advantages to South Korea and security engagement to North Korea, based on special geographical, cultural and historical relationship with two Koreas. The nuclear issue of North Korea will be a stage to test multi-polarization of China. When it deduces positive solution of nuclear issue due to successful six-party talks, and advances to security talks of Northeast Asia, it will contribute a lot to power and elevation of national stature of China in international society. Thus, the Chinese strategy will be an accommodative condition for the security of South Korea, and it requires wise decision of South Korea to make hay while the sun shine.

• 한국과 국제사회
• /
• 제3권1호
• /
• pp.39-76
• /
• 2019

본 논문은 중국의 국방 안보백서 발간의 추이와 함의를 분석하기 위한 것이다. 이를 위해 중국의 국방 안보백서의 발간경위 및 구성, 시진핑 시기의 국방 안보백서의 요지와 함의의 순서로 살펴본 후 결론을 도출해 본 것이다. 중국 국방부는 1998년 이후 2010년까지 2년 주기로 7권의 "중국의 국방"을 발간했다. 그리고 중국 국방부는 이미 1995년 국방관련 주제의 백서 "중국의 무기통제와 군축"을 처음 발간한 데 이어, 2013년 "중국 무장역량의 다양한 운용", 2015년 "중국의 군사전략"의 3권의 국방관련백서, 그리고 2017년 "중국의 아시아 태평양 안보협력정책"이라는 1권의 안보백서를 발간했다. 모두 중국의 전략적 계산을 반영한 프로파간다라는 공통적 특징을 지니고 있다. 중국이 전향적으로 국방백서를 발간하기 시작한 데는 (1)미국 등 주변국의 군사적 투명성 요구에 대한 압력, (2)'중국위협론'의 불식, (3)중국의 군사 현대화의 성과에 대한 자신감 등 복합적 요인이 작용한 것으로 보인다. "중국의 꿈은 강국의 꿈이고 강국의 꿈은 강군건설이 필수이다."라는 시진핑의 의지가 담긴 '적극적 방어전략' 및 강대강전략은 주변국에게 안보적 우려감을 증폭시키고 있다. 튼튼한 한 미 안보공조관계를 유지 강화해 나가는 한편, 한중경제협력관계도 조화롭게 추진해 나가는 헤징전략이 우리에게 요구된다.

• 한국철학논집
• /
• 제31호
• /
• pp.321-346
• /
• 2011

유사 이래 갈등과 전쟁에 대비하는 별도의 연구와 학문이 출현하기 마련인데 이것을 전통 학문으로 분류한다면 '병학(兵學)'이라고 할 수 있다. 본 연구는 먼저 선행 연구를 기초로 중국의 병학사를 개괄하고, 문헌 검색을 통하여 우리나라 삼국시대부터 고려말에 이르기까지 병서의 수용과정과 지식인들의 이해 양상을 비교 검토함으로써 향후 한국사상사에 있어서 병학의 전반적 특성을 조명하기 위한 시론적인 것이다. 우리나라에서는 삼국시대에 이미 "손자"를 비롯한 중국의 병서가 전래되어 지식인들에게 널리 읽혀졌으며 유학적인 소양을 기반으로 다양한 병법을 활용했음을 확인할 수 있다. 자료상으로 보면 비록 중국의 병서에 의존한 바 크지만 한편으로는 독창적인 병법을 운용하고 있다. 고려말에 이르면서는 '병학'이 학문적으로 정립되면서 중앙의 성균관뿐 아니라 지방 향교에서도 유학과 함께 가르치게 하였다. 다만 자료의 한계로 인하여 그러한 전술 경험이 실제 병서의 간행으로 이어졌는지, 또는 고려말까지 얼마나 많은 병서가 출간되었는가의 여부는 확인하기 어렵다. 그러나 삼국시대와 고려시대의 병서의 편찬이 많지 않았다는 사실이 우리나라의 병학이 전적으로 중국에 의존하였다는 것을 의미하지는 않는다. 예컨대 고구려 을지문덕(乙支文德) 장군의 살수(薩水)대첩이나 고려 강감찬(姜邯贊) 장군의 귀주(龜州)대첩을 이룬 과정에서 나타난 전략과 전술, 리더십은 결코 우연일 수 없는 것이다.

• 안보군사학연구
• /
• 통권4호
• /
• pp.289-350
• /
• 2006

The world has been rapidly restructured in an agenda of national security from center of military strength to that of economic strength since the post cold-war era China military leadership-division carried out RMA through learning of a lesson from Gulf war in 1990 -1991 and Iraq war in 2003, thus the leadership-division made an attempt to convert the military system to a technical intensive system. The principle based on RMA of China military is (National defense strategy) drafted by the central military committee 1985 and (Four modernization general principles) 1978. China has introduced Russian high-technological arms and equipment in order to build up the military arms greatly thanks to an economical development, and they take pragmatism line as chinese socialism with their strategy to make secure a position as military powers such as they successfully launched a manned spacecraft and are building an air-craft carrie and soon. USA has a theory of dichotomy whether a country is a cooperator for USA, or not. and also enemy or friend since 9.11terror, thus USA is different from their direction of police. This is because USA stands a position as the superpower of the supremacy hegemony of the world. We must be carefully aware that USA considers as important area for Middle east, West south Asia, Central Asia and Northwest Asia to meet the demands of 2lcentury. Accordingly, the focus of USA's military strategy will be probably concentrated at the above mentioned four areas. On the other hand, USA enjoys such a superpower position due to collapse of USSR which was the past main enemy since the post cold war era. We could give an conclusive example as fact that USA has recurred to unilateralism But USA carry on the military operations to the terror groups at global around by converting thje military strike strategy to pre-emptive strike strategy since9.11 terror, 2001. USA seeks for transformation to the mobile military forces with light-quantity oriented in order to carry on such the military operations and makes progress GPR, And the USA forces in Korea makes progress a military renovation as part of such a military strategy. On the other hand, USA promotes the measures of choose for the countries standing at the crossroads of strategy and carries forward a main scheme of provision for four priority aims that the leaders of a hostile country and mis-country shall be prohibited from use and obtainment of weapons of mass destruction. Accordingly, this treatise found out a significant meaning to have an effect on the national security in the korean peninsula.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권42호
• /
• pp.83-113
• /
• 2017

After defeat in World War II, Japan's Peace Constitution committed the country to forego the acquisition of offensive military capabilities. However, in the midst of the post-cold war period, Japan began to change its security posture in line with the so-called 'normal state theory', which called for a more robust defense posture and expanded security activities. The second Abe administration promoted these security policies by issuing a National Security Strategy as well as a new National Defense Program Outline(NDPO) in 2013 and by establishing new security institutions such as the National Security Council. The Abe administration also adopted the new concept of a 'Unified Mobile Defense Force' in the 2013 which replaced the 'Dynamic Defense Force' as a new criteria for the Self-Defense Force's acquisition of military capabilities. In this new concept of military capabilities, the Ground Self-Defense Force is planning to replace existing divisions with mobile divisions and to form 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' for the first time in 2018, which has long been taboo in Japan. Japan has experience a Marine Corps in the past. Likewise, an offensive changes in the military strategy can change the spectrum of strategy and 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' plays a big role in this. Furthermore, Japan is increasing the Coast Guard's budget and capabilities in preparation for contingencies around the Senkaku islands (called the Diaoyu in Chinese). The South Korea navy should utilize Japan's changing security posture to deter immediate threat such as North Korea's military provocations and potential enemy threat such as China, Japan, Russia.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권34호
• /
• pp.5-25
• /
• 2014

On July 3~4, 2014, the Chinese President Xi Jinping's state visit to Seoul might be seen as a step on the path toward strategic outcomes for both country. For South Korea, Seoul shrewdly retains some degree of self-reliance by balancing between ROK-China strategic cooperative partnership relationship and ROK-US alliance. For China, Beijing appears to put its interests on the Korean Peninsula increasingly within China's larger geopolitical influence. To what extent can ROK-China relationship maintain futuristic strategic cooperative partnership between them? As we observed joint press communiques of the Chinese President Xi Jinping's state visit on July 3, 2014, four agendas of bilateral relationship between Seoul and Beijing can be identified: intractable rivalry between the two great powers, North Korea nuclear issues, disparities of their displeasure with Japan denying the past wrongdoing and enhancing its military capabilities and Chinese imposing of its core interests on its Korea policy. With these evolving strategic environments, however, China and the ROK appear justifiably be pleased with the state of their relations: their strategic cooperative partnership is the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific or Indo-Pacific region and continues to grow broader and deeper.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권36호
• /
• pp.94-120
• /
• 2015

The Asia-Pacific Region has emerged as a arena of geopolitical competition between the U.S. and China. The Obama administration of the U.S. had laid out the concept of rebalancing strategy toward the region, concentrating its 60 percent of Naval Forces to the region till 2020 and consolidating its network of allies and partners. Whereas Chinese leader Xi Jinping also put forward the concept of new type of major power relations concerning its relations with the U.S. and a concept of 'the Asian Community of Common Destiny' aiming at a more intensified mutual relation among countries in the region. In doing so, Asia-Pacific region gradually became the arena where mutual competition and cooperation between the U.S. and China has crossfired. As a close ally to the U.S. and a partner to Japan, South Korea should develop trilateral naval cooperation by holding joint naval drill with the aim of humanitarian support and disaster relief. At the same time, Seoul also should make efforts to proceed mutual confidence building with Beijing by deepening military-to-military cooperation. These policy options will be helpful to enhance Seoul's security posture in the region.