• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.49-74
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• 2021

In this paper, I applied grounded theory in exploring how Twitter became the battlefield for China's public diplomacy campaign. China's new move to global social media platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, has been a controversial strategy in public diplomacy. This study analyzes Chinese Foreign Spokesperson Zhao Lijian's Twitter posts and comments. It models China's recent diplomatic move to Twitter as a "war of words" model, with features including "leadership," "polarization," and "aggression," while exerting possible effects as "resistance," "hatred," and "sarcasm" to the global community. Our findings show that by failing to gage public opinion and promote the country's positive image, China's current digital diplomacy strategy reflected by Zhao Lijian's tweets has instead constructed a polarized political public sphere, contradictory to the country's promoted "shared human destiny." The "war of words" model extends our understanding of China's new digital diplomacy move as a hybrid of state propaganda and self-performance. Such a strategy could spread hate speech and accelerate political polarization in cyberspace, despite improvements to China's homogenous network building on Twitter.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.43-68
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• 2022

Multiple modes of communication on social media can contribute to public diplomacy in informing, conversing, and networking with members of foreign publics. However, manipulative behaviours on social media, prevalent especially in high tension contexts, create disruptions to authentic communication in what could be grey/black propaganda or information warfare. This study reviews existing literature about models of public diplomacy to guide an empirical study of China's communication in the #SouthChinaSea conversation on Twitter. It uses computational methods to identify, record, and analyze one-way, two-way, and network communication of China's actors. It employs manual qualitative research to determine the nature of China's actors. On that basis, it assesses China's Twitter communication in the issue against various models of public diplomacy.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.59-85
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• 2021

中国的公共外交在与韩国和台湾等周边国家地区发展关係方面有着很大的贡献。但当东北亚地区发生巨大的秩序变动或与台湾和韩国发生政治安保矛盾时,中国的公共外交却无法发挥缓解紧张关係并提供解决方案的角色。为什么中国公共外交无法在缓解与周边国家的政治安保矛盾中充分发挥其作用？本研究着重于中国的体制特性会对公共外交的目标,战略以及行为人和行为所带来的影响。具体来说,嚮往着与西方国家相反的政治价值与体制的中国通过公共外交所追求的目标以及战略的确与众不同。台湾和韩国以及其他东北亚的周边国家都有着迥然不同的体制。因此,为了在这些国家地区推动公共外交,通常都会利用彼此共有的歷史文化议题。这些特征可以视为说明中国公共外交在政治安保矛盾方面弱点的主要关键。不仅如此,以中国权威主义的政治以及国家-社会关係为由,也可说明中国一丝不乱并具系统性的中国公共外交推进体制以及成果。但另一方面,本论文也会提出为什么中国公共外交在与周边国家发生的政治安保矛盾方面无法有效地起缓衝作用的原因。本研究以此分析框架为基础,并探讨上文所提研究问题的答案。

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.49-91
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• 2022

Recent years have witnessed renewed interest in Africa and public diplomacy has emerged as the vital tool being used to cultivate these relations. China has been leading in pursuing stronger economic partnership with Africa while middle powers such as Korea are also intensifying engagement with the continent. While previous studies have analyzed the implications of China's activities in Africa on advanced powers, none has examined them from the paradigm of middle powers. This study fills this gap by assessing China's activities in Africa, their economic engagement and implications for Korea's interest in Africa. The analysis is qualitative based on secondary data from various sources and literature. The study shows that China's public diplomacy strategy involves a high degree of innovation and has evolved to encompass new tools and audiences. China has institutionalized a cooperative model that permeates many aspects of governance institutions in Africa, enabling it to strengthen their relations. This could also be helping China to adjust faster leadership transitions in Africa. Whereas the US is still the most influential country in Africa, China is influential in economic policies and has outstripped the US in infrastructure diplomacy. This could be because African policy makers align more with China's economic model than the US' mainstream economics. Chinese aid to Africa has been diversified to social sectors that are more responsive to the needs of Africa. Trade and investment relations between China and Africa have deepened, but so does trade imbalance since 2010. China mainly imports natural resources and raw materials from Africa. But this product portfolio is not different from Korea and the US. China's energetic insertion in Africa using various strategies has significant implications for countries with ambitions in Africa. Korea can achieve its ambitions in Africa by focusing resources in areas it can leverage its core strengths-such as education and vocational training, environmental policy and development cooperation.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.120-122
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• 2021

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.53-80
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• 2022

목적: 한국을 비롯하여 세계에서 중국에 대한 비호감도는 매년 상승하고 있으며, 2022년 현재 세계인의 반중정서는 70%에 달하고 있다. 중국은 공공외교에 천문학적인 예산 편성을 했음에도 불구하고, 국가이미지 회복에 실패하고 있다. 국가이미지 상승을 위한 새로운 공공외교가 필요한 지금, 한국인 중국 유학생 유튜버 딤디(deemd)의 시청자들이 딤디의 중국 vlog 시청 이후 중국에 대해 우호적인 이미지를 형성하게 되는 것을 발견했다. 이에 본 연구에서는 딤디의 중국 vlog 시청이 중국 국가이미지 개선에 영향을 미치는지 확인해보고자 단순노출효과를 이론을 적용했다. 또한 국가이미지 개선이 중국으로의 방문의도 증가 및 중국 제품 구매로 이어지는 '후광효과(Halo effect)'를 일으키는지 알아보고자 한다. 방법: 본 연구에서 설정한 5개의 연구 가설 검증을 위해 설문을 실시했다. 설문 대상은 유튜버 딤디의 중국 vlog를 한 번이라도 시청한 경험이 있고, 중국 방문 경험이 없는 시청자로 편의 표집했다. 결과: 가설 검증 결과, 딤디의 중국 vlog 시청은 중국의 경제적 이미지 개선에 긍정적 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 즉, 딤디의 중국 vlog 시청이 빈번할수록 중국의 경제 이미지는 긍정적으로 변화했고, 이는 궁극적으로 중국으로의 방문의도와 중국제품 구매의도를 증대시키는 것으로 나타났다. 결론: 본 연구에서는 vlog시청과 국가이미지, 해당국가 방문의도와 해당국가 제품 구매의도의 관련성을 탐구함으로써 해외 대중에게 다가갈 수 있는 공공외교의 구체적 방향으로 다양한 콘텐츠를 활용한 미디어 외교의 가능성을 제시했다. 본 연구의 결과가 중국을 비롯한 비대면 공공외교의 시대에 필요한 새로운 디지털 미디어 외교에 대한 혜안을 제공할 수 있기를 기대한다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제20권7호
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• pp.169-184
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• 2020

본 논문은 중국 공공외교 전략 하에 추진되는 국제교육 프로그램의 분석을 통해, 중국 공공외교 수행방식 변화와 그 의미를 분석하였다. 시진핑 지도부는 중국은 지난 40여 년간의 경제적 성장으로 토대로, 이제는 G2에서 세계최강국으로 발돋움하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 또한 그에 대한 비전으로 '중화민족의 위대한 부흥'이라는 '중국의 꿈'을 제시하고 있다. 현재 중국의 공공외교 차원에서 추진되는 국제교육 프로그램은 기존의 수동적이고 대응적인 방식에서 벗어나 국가 전략 속에서 능동적이고, 중장기적으로 구체화되어 운영된다. 즉 과거의 중국의 국제교육 프로그램이 '중국위협론'을 불식시키기 위한 소극적 모델이었다면, 현재 중국의 국제교육 프로그램은 세계 속에 '중국식' 질서를 학습, 확산시킬 수 있는 능동적인 모델로 진화하고 있다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.1-23
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• 2021

With regard to the recent developments in public diplomacy, the increasing fusion of strategic communication appears necessary. China engages in public diplomacy with a strategic purpose to shape its national image abroad. Hosting diplomatic advocacy event is regarded as an instrument with expectations to present reliable and responsible image and promote international collaborations. The present research focuses on the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) in May 2017 with the objective to analyze its outcomes and influence on the international news agenda, news frames, and foreign citizens' comments online. The quantitative content analyses are used to compare the media reports (N=364) and Facebook users' comments on the selected news (N=957) between the US and Pakistan. Results reveal that Pakistani media provided more diverse frames and attributed more positive evaluations to the BRF than the US media. However, Facebook comments expressed more unfavorable opinions toward the BRF and China's image with rare differences between two countries. In conclusion, the BRF has served as an eye-catching advocacy of Chinese foreign policy, as it influenced the news agenda in two selected countries. However, news frames vary due to the differences in media system and the involvement in the BRF. China's public diplomacy practices follow a traditional top-down communication which needs meticulous subdivision of target stakeholders, delicate messaging strategies, and integrated tactics.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.13-30
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• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• 한국경제지리학회지
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• 제23권3호
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• pp.312-333
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• 2020

아프리카의 독립국가 출현과 함께 한국과 아프리카의 관계는 시작되었지만 외교적 교류는 완성된 모습보다는 불규칙적이며 비정규적 교류가 이어지는 듯한 모습을 보여왔다. 최근 들어 한국정부는 아프리카와의 관계 개선을 위하여 새로운 접근을 시도하고 있다. 본 연구는 한국의 대 아프리카 공공 외교의 여러 전략과 방안들을 살펴보면서 어떻게 한국과 아프리카간의 상호이익에 부합하는지를 분석한다. 한국의 아프리카에 대한 관심은 북한의 안보위협과 시장다변화 그리고 미국과 중국 등 강대국과 마찬가지로 아프리카 대륙 차원의 에너지 자원에 대한 관심이라고 볼 수 있다. 그리고 한국이 아프리카에 적용하는 혼합적 공공외교 전략과 방안은 다양한 형태의 결과물을 통해 나타나고 있다. 그 결과2000년대 말부터 한국과 아프리카의 경제적 연계는 한층 강화되고 있다. 미래에도 지속적인 관계를 유지하기 위하여 본 연구는 한국의 대 아프리카 공공 외교의 활성화를 위하여 연구결과를 바탕으로 여러 방안을 제안하고 있다.