• 해양안보
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.61-92
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• 2020

본 논문은 중국의 시기별 해군전략의 전략운용 목표, 범위, 방식을 살펴보고, 시진핑 시기 해군전략의 목표와 특징, 전략적 함의를 분석해 보는 데 그 목적이 있다. 신(新)중국 성립 이후 해군은 현재까지 총 네 번에 걸쳐 전략변화를 구사하였다. 현재 시진핑 시기 중국의 해군전략은 근해적극방어전략이 결합된 원해호위전략이다. 현재 중국의 해군전략은 공격성 무기체계로 인해 공격적 전략으로 전환되고 있고, 최신식 함정의 비중이 높아지고 있으며, 운용범위는 연안과 근해를 벗어나 전 세계 해양이 대상이 되었다. 중국의 해군전략이 전환됨에 따라 중국 해군은 해양주도권 확보를 전략적 목표로 설정하고 외부 세력의 개입과 침입에 적극 대응하기 위한 공세적 전략을 실행할 것이다. 이에 중국 해군은 원거리 지역 해상 분쟁지역에서 분쟁당사국들을 더욱 압박하기 위해 억제전력과 기동전력을 향상시킬 것이다. 또한 중국의 해군전략은 '차단'에서 '신속대응'이라는 운용 방식으로 점차 전환될 것으로 전망한다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권42호
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• pp.196-223
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• 2017

The aim of this paper is to analyze China's naval strengthening and threat reflected in submarines, aircraft, destroyers and missile capabilities and US Navy's counter-forces. China is strengthening its naval forces in accordance with its three-step naval force build-up plan, and the introduction of Russian destroyers and submarines is a foothold for China's naval enforcement. The Chinese Navy also converted the concept of the First-Second Island Chain Defense, which it had already maintained, to the concept of maritime layer defense. Currently, the Chinese Navy maintains the concept of a Three-Maritime Layer Defense which includes the South China Sea, where artificial islands are being built by China, in the First Layer Defense and the East China Sea in the Third Layer Defense. Along with the advancement of Chinese Navy's submarines, surface vessels and aircraft's operational capabilities, ballistic and cruise missile capabilities become a major threat to the US Navy. If a crisis occurs in the East China Sea or in the Taiwan Waters, the US Navy will face more difficulties in employing the Carrier Strike Group to manage the crisis. Meanwhile, if a crisis occurs on the Korean Peninsula, it will be a burden to dispatch Carrier Strike GroupS to the East and West Seas of the Korean Peninsula. For the stable future, the US Navy should develop a strategy to respond more effectively to the Chinese Navy, which is challenging new maritime supremacy in East Asia.

• 해양안보
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.1-42
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• 2021

해양강국 달성을 위한 중국 해군전략의 성격에 대한 공세성 논란이 이어지고 있다. 본 연구는 이러한 논란 속에서 전략의 3요소를 이용, 해양강국 달성을 위한 중국 해군전략의 실체적 성격을 파악하고 이를 통해 차후 중국의 군사적 행동을 전망하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 연구목적을 달성하기 위하여 본 연구는 전략의 3요소와 함께 해군전략의 특수성을 고려하여 연구를 진행하였으며 연구결과 중국의 해군전략은 전체적으로 공세성을 띄고 있으나 각 전략요소 간의 공세성을 추구하는 정도에서는 불균형을 이루고 있었다. 방법적 측면에서는 공세성이 두드러지게 나타났으나, 목표·수단적 측면에서는 해양강국 달성을 위한 주변국과의 협력 필요성과 군사기술·작전지속 능력 부족이라는 제한사항이 존재하였다. 이러한 전략요소 간의 불균형을 통해 도출한 중국의 차후 군사적 행동의 전망은 다음과 같다. ① 당분간 미국과의 전면적 군사충돌의 위험은 낮다. ② 1도련선 내에서는 주변국에게 해군력을 강압의 수단으로 활용하거나 또는 제한적인 군사충돌을 일으킬 수 있다. ③ 영유권 분쟁을 둘러싼 해군력 대치시 미국 및 주변국과 우발적인 군사충돌이 발생할 수 있다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권41호
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• pp.108-152
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• 2017

This paper aims to analyze hegemonic competition and the role of naval power. To this end the paper is composed of four chapters titled introduction, the role of naval power in the hegemonic competition, the role of naval power in the East Asia, and the lessons and implications for the Korean Peninsula. Since the modern era, the hegemonic competition in the East Asian region has been the intrusion and struggle process between the world system and the East Asian regional system, and the ocean between these two systems has become the goal and means of supremacy(hegemony). Currently, the hegemonic competition between the US and China consists of systemic competition at the global level and marine competition at the regional level. When South Korea is forced to make strategic choices in the course of the US-China hegemonic competition, naval power will be the first factor to be considered. The ROK is asymmetrically maintaining a deep dependency relationship with the United States in terms of security and China in relation to the economy. And while the ROK's national economic power is acquired from the ocean, the ROK's military power is imbalanced because it is centered on the ground forces. These international relations and asymmetric-unbalanced resources distribution will not be able to effectively cope with the hegemonic competition between the US and China in the future, and will limit Korea's strategic choice. Since naval power and forces are the prerequisites for the hegemonic competition or the maintenance of supremacy we must construct balanced naval forces(naval power) that are not subordinate to the ground forces at the national strategic level for the future of the country.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.143-176
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• 2012

We are witnessing the growing maritime tension on the East Asian sea these days. Each naval powers in the region are competing each other to acquire more advanced naval capabilities. Based upon the rapid economic development, China is actively beefing up its naval capabilities and expand its boundary of naval activities all over the East Asian region. Chinese Navy already unveiled its expansive naval strategy replacing the traditional concept of 'Near-Sea Defense' with the new concept of 'Far-Sea Defense' strategy. In response to potential rival's naval build up, the U.S. is redeploying its naval forces focusing on the Asia-Pacific region. The U.S. enhances its joint naval exercises with the countries in the region, such as Japan, India, Australia and so on. In addition, Washington is devising new naval strategy under the concept of 'Air-Sea Battle' to deter Peking's so-called 'Anti-Access/ Area Denial(A2AD)' strategy. As a close ally of the U.S., Japan also disclosed its clear intention to strengthen the Maritime Self Defense Force(MSDF)'s capabilities by introducing the new concept of 'Dynamic Defense Force' in 2011. Under the new concept, JMSDF is pursuing the additional acquisition of submarines, quasi-aircraft carriers, Aegis-equipped destroyers, etc. Under the new president's strong leadership, Russia is also invigorating the naval build-up. Especially, Russia is fortifying the Pacific Fleet's naval assets by deploying new-type of naval ships such as the Mistral which was imported from France. In the midst of competitive naval build-up among the major naval powers in the region, we are observing the growing maritime conflicts on the East China Sea as well as South China Sea. Those naval conflicts can pose severe threats to our national interests. Maritime conflicts on the East or South China Sea can imperil our sea lanes which will be indispensible for national economic development. Neighboring countries' maritime conflicts also will cast an uncertainty on the path to mobilize international cooperation to resolve the North Korean issues. We should contribute to ease the maritime tension in the region by various ways. First, we should actively galvanize the bilateral maritime dialogue among the major naval powers in the region. Second, we also should take the lead to form a multilateral maritime cooperation mechanism in the region. Above all, we should set the aim to be a peaceful maritime power who can contribute to a building of stable maritime order in the region with a considerable naval power.

• Strategy21
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• 통권45호
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• pp.33-59
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• 2019

본 논문의 목적은 최근 중국의 해양안보전략의 수단과 실행방법, 그 특징을 구체적으로 분석하는 것이다. 중국은 급격한 경제성장 및 강화된 군사력을 바탕으로 '해양강국 건설'이라는 국가목표를 설정하고 이를 달성하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 특히 해양강국을 뒷받침하기 위해 자국의 해양영토주권 수호, 배타적 해양권익 확보 등을 중점적으로 추진하고 있다. 이러한 목표 아래 추진되고 있는 중국의 해양안보전략은 그 수단과 방법 면에서 과거와는 많은 차이를 보인다. 과거 해양안보전략의 주 구현 수단이 해군이었다면 현재는 해군 뿐 아니라 준군사력이 해경과 예비전력인 해상민병도 적극 참여하고 있다. 또한 과거에는 해양에서 전면적인 무력행동을 통해 전략적 목표를 달성하려 했지만 최근은 직접적 충돌 보다는 살라미 자르기 전략, 회색지대전략 및 양배추 전략 등의 전면적 전쟁까지는 이르지 않는 분쟁 수준의 통제를 통해 자신들의 목적을 달성하려 하고 있다. 이러한 중국의 해양안보전략 추구에 대응하여 한국은 적절한 대응방안을 모색할 필요가 있다. 먼저 서해에서의 해군력 현시를 강화해야 하며, 전면전이 아닌 중강도 분쟁에 대비한 전력을 발전시켜야 한다. 또한 회색지대전략, 양배추 전략 등을 활용한 중국의 공세적 해양활동에 효과적으로 대응하기 위해 '해양전장 선점 전략'개념을 발전시킬 필요가 있다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권40호
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• pp.5-36
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• 2016

Recently, the Japanese government revised the three guidelines of its security policy, the National Security Strategy(NSS), the National Defense Program Outline and Midterm Defense Buildup Plan, exceptionally at one time. This means Japan has been seeking the new strategy and strengthening military power considering changing regional security environment. Moreover, Japan revised the security laws for the right to collective self-defense, which authorized the use of force even when Japan is not under attack. Also, Japan renewed the Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation in twenty years, and has expanded JSDF's scope of activity to a worldwide level. These changes imply Japan would constantly seek to build military forces focusing on naval forces. Because Japan's naval forces, the JMSDF is the means that allow Japan to use its force at anywhere overseas and expand its roles and missions in international society by the basis of the right to collective self-defense. This research will analyze Japan's new maritime strategy and trend of force development and eventually look for the implication on our maritime security These days, Japan has perceived Chinese rapid increase of naval power and pursuing of maritime hegemony as a grave threat. In response to this, Japan is designing new maritime strategy, which are "remote islands defense and recapture" and proactively develop a new type of naval forces to accomplish this new strategy. The Japan's "remote island defense and recapture strategy" is to harden its defensive posture in Nansei islands which correspond to China's 1st island chain for chinese A2/AD strategy and directly encounter with China and to protect its own dominium and maritime interest while supporting US national strategy in East Asia. Japan continues to build compact, multi-functional ship to accomplish "remote island defense and recapture strategy" and keep strengthening its maritime power projection capability to include build of new amphibious ship, and large, multi-functional ship which can provide effective C2. These changes imply that Japan is shifting its strategy from passive and defensive to proactive and aggressive way and continues to pursue naval buildup.The implication of Japan's new maritime strategy and naval buildup needs to be observed carefully and we need to keep developing naval power required to protect our maritime sovereignty and interest.

• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

The tensions between the U.S and China, which form the two pillars of the G2 era, seem to have persisted even after the Trump administration inaugurated. The strong confrontation between the two in recent foreign security issues may drive to develop an inadvertent military conflict, and it is high likely to occur in the maritime are. The purpose of this study is not only to analyze the balance of modernized naval forces in the PLAN through naval strategy changes and weapons system modernization trend, but also to predict the impact of the geographical proximity difference on the balance of naval forces in the disputed areas. It examined the impact of distance and geography on naval power by assessing the modernization pattern of the PLAN and capabilities in the context of two scenarios at different distances from China by 2020: one centered on Taiwan and the other on the Spratly Islands. The PLAN's strategy had impact on operational concept and forces construction. First, from the viewpoint of operation operational concept, it can be seen that the passive defense is changing into active defense. Second, in terms of power construction, it can threaten the surface and submarines of U.S power from a distance. And they generated follow three features; The ocean is not the focus of Chinese submarines, Horizontal and vertical expansion of Chinese naval vessels, The improvement of the suppression ability as the Chinese naval modernization ratio increases. The strength of the PLAN is dominant over the U.S in terms of reserves, and it can complement the qualitative deterioration by utilizing nearby bases in the vicinity of the mainland, such as the Taiwan Strait. However, due to the shortage of aircraft carriers, there is a possibility that it will take some time to secure the advantage of air and ocean in the amphibious operation. Therefore, as the dispute is prolonged, China may fail to achieve its original goal. In addition, the lack of cutting edge Commanding Ships may bring to weaken the C2 capabilities. At results, it is expected that PLAN will not be able to have a superiority in the short term due to lagging behind U.S advanced technology. Nevertheless, PLAN has strengthened its naval power through modernization sufficiently and it is highly likely to use force. Especially, it is more likely in the region where the naval power operation like the Taiwan Strait is possible with the almost equality to that of the United States. China will continue to use its naval forces to achieve a rapid and decisive victory over U.S in the close area from the land.

• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.125-174
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the status of naval arms race in Northeast Asia. To this end, the scope of the research was limited to national security strategies, maritime strategies and naval strengthening of the United States, China, Russia and Japan. The major powers' active maritime strategies and naval arms race give some strategic implications to the Republic of Korea Navy as follows. First, China and Japan, unlike the past, are actively using submarines in offshore waters including the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the ROK Navy must successfully promote the Jangbogo-III-class submarine, which is currently constructed, and get a nuclear-powered submarine and P-8 MPA capable of long-range and long-time operations to enhance ASW capability. Second, North Korea's current building submarines capable of loading SLBMs and SLBMs are a new threat to the ROK Navy. The current building KAMD, which focuses on terminal phase defense, cannot effectively respond to North Korea's SLBMs and should be converted to a multi-layered defense system including SM-3 at a mid-course phase. Third, as China militarizes the South China Sea, the instability of the South China Sea is growing. Therefore, the ROK Navy should strengthen its maritime cooperation with the regional countries such as Japan and ASEAN navies to protect SLOC. In conclusion, the ROK Navy needs to build a strong naval power to keep in mind that the 21st century naval rivalry in Northeast Asia is accelerating. The navy must do one's best to protect national strategic and vital interests by strengthening cooperation with regional countries. South Korea is also accelerating its defense reforms in accordance with the pattern of future warfare and the ROK Navy do one's best to have a balanced naval capability capable of actively operating in the offshore waters.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.94-120
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• 2015

The Asia-Pacific Region has emerged as a arena of geopolitical competition between the U.S. and China. The Obama administration of the U.S. had laid out the concept of rebalancing strategy toward the region, concentrating its 60 percent of Naval Forces to the region till 2020 and consolidating its network of allies and partners. Whereas Chinese leader Xi Jinping also put forward the concept of new type of major power relations concerning its relations with the U.S. and a concept of 'the Asian Community of Common Destiny' aiming at a more intensified mutual relation among countries in the region. In doing so, Asia-Pacific region gradually became the arena where mutual competition and cooperation between the U.S. and China has crossfired. As a close ally to the U.S. and a partner to Japan, South Korea should develop trilateral naval cooperation by holding joint naval drill with the aim of humanitarian support and disaster relief. At the same time, Seoul also should make efforts to proceed mutual confidence building with Beijing by deepening military-to-military cooperation. These policy options will be helpful to enhance Seoul's security posture in the region.