• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.253-278
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• 2008

Samkookyusa is a valuable book, which shows us ancestor's fomality, being folklorically highly evaluated. So I focus on this, look into Samkookyusa's formality especially the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship. Coming of age ceremony on Samkookyusa performed by a ruler or the nobilities whoes age are uncertainly assumed as thirteen, fifteen or eighteen. In the times, our own ways of ceremonies were performed by them. Marriage ceremony on Samkookyusa, especially king Sooro and Heohwangok's amrriage procedure shows a part of royal family's ceremony before Korea dynasty and have a precious meaning as the earliest outset. Through premarital relation between Yoohwa and Haemosoo shows that there was an non-arranged match for marriage. A record of a marriage between near relatives at the early Korea dynasty is worthy. The funeral ceremony record of king Hyeockgeose on Samkookyusa could be regarded as the first one. The record pointed that using a mound as feudal lords and king Talhae's funeral ceremony showed having Seagoljang customsand making a clay figure for the ceremony. Those facts are crucial documents as helping us understand our ancient time's funeral ceremonial customs. Ancestral ceremony on Samkookyusa, specific record about ancestral ceremony for king Sooro such as fomulas, procedures, ritual fields and foods, sanctuary and portrait is a worthful record to understand a side of national ancestral ceremony of the times. Samkookyusa is a valuable book ceremonially and folklorically to understand the ancient times' ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.87-108
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• 2010

This study will attempt to show how marriage ceremonies in Korea have reflected marriage custom influences from science and industrialization the study focuses on changes in traditional features. As a result of science and industrialization, the social patterns of Korean marriages have considerably changed, due to the impact of western values. There are three stages of the Korean marriage ceremony: before the ceremony (Sun-rye), the ceremony (Bon-rye) and after the ceremony (Hu-rye). The research examined how these marriage customs were influenced by science and industrialization. The instruments were 750 questionnaires, analyzed through data processing and personal interviews with 25 married women. The data were analyzed by making use of the SPSS program using frequency analysis and $x^2$-test. The results suggested that, since 1960, Korean marriage ceremonies mainly conformed to the marriage customs of traditional society. Since 1970, traditional customs of the before the ceremony (Sun-rye) process have been, in large part, eliminated. The ceremony (Bon-rye) process has been changed to western style, and the after the ceremony (Hu-rye) process has been altered to some degree.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.27-43
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• 2004

In this study, an enhanced marriage preparation program is introduced. The program has recently been systematized through adjusting and updating different existing marriage preparation programs. The proposed program consists of six main sessions, organized into three 2-session sets. Through sessions 1 and 2, couples preparing for marriage are to focus on marital life by planning their lives as husbands and wives. They also discuss how to build a happy marriage. In sessions 3 and 4, the couples are to discuss how to organize their activities so 3s to improve the quality of their relationships. Finally, in sessions 5 and 6, the couples learn practical skills necessary for a happy marriage. This Program has been implemented at NGOs to Promote wholesome wedding ceremonies and healthy marriages for single men and women who are preparing to get married. This program should be developed further to help build strong families.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.40 no.11
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• pp.141-156
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• 2002

This study is about the wedding culture of Seoul and Kyungsangdo. This paper is a qualitative study that is based on interviews. As a result of this study, it became clear that before the industrialization of South Korea, there were different characteristics of wedding culture in each region. However, the unique characteristics of wedding customs in each region have been degenerated or exterminated, in tandem with the influx of customs from other regions, due to the dramatic urbanization of South Korea, and the development of transport and communication that appeared in the process of modernization. Furthermore, wedding customs were transformed from ceremonies based on a regional and kin-based community into those that were no more than mere events, which was derived from the industrialization and urbanization of Korea.

• Proceeding of Spring/Autumn Annual Conference of KHA
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• 1992.11a
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• pp.53-61
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• 1992

This study aims to find out about the traditional life and consciousness of the Yi dynasty used its residence as the place where rites of passage were heid. This study is tuying to classify the rites of passage according to the procedures by which those rituals are being held and to analyze them based upon the space where rituals take place. The results of research and analysis are as follows : 1. The most frequently used area in the house as a variety of ceremonies were held includes SARANGBANG and DAECHUNG belonging to SARANGCHE and ANBANG and DAECHUNG that belong to ANCHE. So naturally these areas are located in the main space of the house. 2. ANMADANG as well as SARANGMADANG was used as the main walkway in the house and as the main place for the ceremonies such as marriage and funenal. MADANG space in the house played a semi-indoor-space fole andperformed the functions which limited indoor space couldu's carry out when ceremonies took place. 3. It seems that SADANG had net been utilized in the daily routine but located within the residence due to the ritualism.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.57-71
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to explore perceptions and awareness of traditional Korean wedding ceremonies. For this purpose, I began a literature review and investigated the consciousness about traditional Korean wedding ceremonies among unmarried people. As a result, I discussed the future of Korean wedding culture. Data were analyzed from the sample of 206 unmarried people collected from April 20 to Jun 13, 2009. The data were analyzed by making use of the SPSS program and included Frequency analysis, ANOVA and the $\chi^2$-test. The summary of these results was as follows. First, unmarried people want a special wedding ceremony. They think the appropriate age of marriage is between their 20s and mid-30s. The traditional wedding ceremony is changing, but they think that the meanings behind them will continue. If they married a foreigner, they would want to have a modem wedding ceremony and each of their traditional wedding ceremonies. Second, they have no educational experience about traditional wedding culture(85.4%). Some people who have educational experience learned about traditional wedding culture from their parents or grandparents. Third, most traditional wedding procedures were influenced by Korean customs. Most men did not know about traditional Korean wedding procedures. But if they get married, they will follow traditional wedding procedures (M=3.35). In the future, we will have to succeed Korean wedding culture, for example, Peau back(幣帛), Ham(函), and traditional wedding ceremony.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.1-14
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• 2004

This is a historical study of the tea culture and its manners after checking the origin of the tea culture in Korea. Also I created the Blooming Lotus Pond Tea which can be utilized in various meetings or at homes in connection with the tea culture and etiquette by studying good manners, clothing and light refreshments in 'Kyucongyogyul' by Lee-E, 'Karyejibramdo' by Kim Jang-Seng and other books of the Chosun Dynasty. I created the Blooming Lotus Pond Tea by referring to the tea-ceremonies described in the poems by Hong Inmo, his wife, Lady Suh, and her descendants. They can be better harmonized with the modem tea culture rather than the strict procedures of traditional court ceremonies or marriage, funeral, and other formal tea ceremonies. About the costumes of the nobilities, that is especially referred to Kyukmongyogyul by Lee-I of the Chosun Dynasty for the etiquette, also 'The Living Manners' by Professor Lee Gilpyo and Choi Baeyong. In addition, the tea-food is made based on 'the five elements'. The Blooming Lotus Pond Tea is made of frozen lotus flowers and prepared in the lotus formed broad-rimmed tea-utensils and supposed to be shared with family members or guests. It's recommended to hold a poetry-party with a tea-party. At present, this kind of daily tea ceremony is being developed at homes. It'll be desirable if it could recreate the traditional way as a ceremonial tea culture. In that case, it'll regain the quality of the traditional etiquette by harmonizing tea culture and manners. Such a tea culture can contribute to the quality of people's ordinary life and the identity of our country.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.237-260
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• 2000

According to the study of Jik-Ryoung(直領) consulting chronicles of the Chosun Era, Jik-Ryoung had been worn for various uses as official outfit, ordinary attire or clothes for the celebration of their coming of age, wedding ceremonies, funeral rites, and religious ceremonies, etc. from the beginning to the end of the Chosun Era. The conclusions are shown briefly as follows. 1. There are several terms of Po(袍) related to Jik-Ryoung in the chronicles under the name of Jik-Ryoung Ui(直領衣), Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung(衣撒直領), and Jik-shin(直身). Jik-Ryoung Ui is the other name of Jik-Ryoung that they called it when it was used for funeral rites and religious ceremonies. The chinese Ye-Sal(曳撒) was called the Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung in Korea, but this is different with Jik-Ryoung regarding its divided up and bottom style. Jik-Shin is almost same as Jik-Ryoung. 2. During the latter period of the Chosun Era, we can find diferent frequency in use of the Jik-Ryoung. Jik-Ryoung was shown constantly in the cases of that ding, Chinese Prince and lower-level constantly in the cases of that king, Crown Prince and lower-level officials wore it for funeral rites and lower-level officials, artisans, merchants, humbles and slaves wore it for official outfit. Uses of the Jik-Ryoung increased for military officers'outfits, in contrast to decreasing of uses for ordinary attires of king, Crown Prince, and the commons, and official outfits of civil officials. 3. These different aspects mean the change of estate and role. For the basic four ceremonial occasions the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor memorial-, it appeared constantly. Therefore the social role had been maintained also by then. As an official garb, the role for official uniform of petty official maintained by the end of the Dynasty. But from the latter 1600's to the former 1700's, the roles for official garbs of civil officials and military officers decreased and increased respectively. Before the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592, ordinary social clothes had orders by people's social status who wore them ; those were Dan Ryoung(團領), Hong Jik Ryoung(紅直領), Jik Ryoung(直領), Cho'l Rick(철릭) in the order named. After the war, various Po(袍), Shim Ui(深衣), Jung Chi Mak(中致莫), Chang Ui(　衣), Jang Ui(長衣), Ju Ui(周衣) and so on had been worn until the King Young Jo(英祖)·Jung Jo(正祖) period. In result, the social role of Jik-Ryoung was reduced as the uses decreased more and more. For a mourning dress, it had a same aspect as the case of ordinary social wear. 4. Considering the color, they used blue for the clothes for doing-up-the-hair ceremony, white for mourning clothes, and white, black for ancestor memorial ceremony clothes. On the official outfits of officials, dark blue and black were used mostly. And lower-level officials'clothes had white, red, and green on them. They used red and green for the plain dresses. 5. Examining the materials, clothes for the celebration of one's coming of age were made of high quality silks, Kwang Hwa Dan(廣禾緞). Also, they made clothes for funeral rites of rough and thick linen, and made clothes for religious ceremonies of linen and hemp. The official outfits were made of practical materials like cotton, hemp and ramie. Cotton, pongee and satin were used to make ordinary attire.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.66 no.3
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• pp.162-179
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• 2016

This study examined the 17th century wedding ceremonies of princes and princesses recorded in the "Garyedeungrok(嘉禮謄錄)". The Joseon dynasty royal weddings were held outside the palace, so it could have influenced wedding ceremonies of commoners. Royal weddings for princes and princesses were considered to be on a level between that of a king and commoners. Wedding procedure of princes and princesses was carried out under the leadership of the royal family who officiated at a marriage with the king's approval. In addition, kindred of the king and high-ranking officials participated as the maid of honor in the wedding parade. This was completely different between the royal wedding and the scholar-gentry ones. A difference between the prince and the princess was that the princess paid her respect to the shrine of the house of her groom after the wedding ceremony. However, there was no process for the prince's bride. There also existed a wide disparity in the wedding goods of princes and princesses. The prince and the king's son-in-law both held a wedding ceremony to wear Chopo, but there was a difference in decoration or quantity of Danlyeong(團領) Cheollik(帖裏) Hoseul(護膝) belts. Only princes were allowed to use the ornamental knife and the embroidered pouch. While both the princess and prince's wife wore No-ui(露衣) and Jangsam(長衫) as the wedding clothes, there was discrimination of position in terms of hair decoration, Hwalhansam(闊汗衫), skirt, Hosu(胡袖) and Ni-ui(裏衣). There was also a difference of quantity of Jeogori and skirts, as well as various styles of gold decorations in order to distinguish the Gongju(daughter of the king) and the Gunju (daughter of the crown prince)'s position.

• CRM연구
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-18
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• 2011

The consumer's expectation of companies' social responsibilities has been continuously getting higher as the consumerism has been matured. So, the company has faced the shift to move forward to the positive social activity such as charity, donation, and sponsorship. In addition, the company which does make a success needs to reach goals not only to maximize profits but also to make justices of social and cultural boundaries. Thus, success of an enterprise aims at the maximization of profits as the economic objective and the creation of competitive, powerful brands. Accordingly, as enterprises consider social responsibility as the concept of effective investment to enhance the asset value of corporation, they seek to extend their brands in order to pursue cause-related marketing, which accomplishes and complements two objectives each other the performance of social responsibility and the pursuit of powerful brand assets. In Korea, there are traditional ritual ceremonies such as ceremonies of coming-of-age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor worship and they consider those ceremony occasions as very important. Moreover, social positional grade of rank like the two upper classes of old Korea made people pretend to be noble and sensitive to other people around themselves. This old custom could influence Korean people's way of life, especially, consumer-action. This deep rooted custom also could influence consumption life considerably. Through this study, we can understand the consumer behaviors of Korean who consider ritual ceremonies and saving face as essential and are influenced by this culture. on another hand, we intend to check the effects on buying luxury brands.