• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.95-112
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• 2013

Jangchungdan Park is now perceived as a mere park at the foot of Namsan mountain, but originally it was created to commemorate soldiers of Korean Empire on a site which name was Namsoyeong(南小營) during Joseon Dynasty. During the period of Japanese colonial rule, it was transformed into a park due to the rapidly changing circumstances, so the components expressing the validity of the colonial rule were introduced into the park. This paper examines the time sequential changes of Jangchungdan Park during the period of Japanese colonial rule, and the conclusions can be summarized as given below. Firstly, the park originally was a space to commemorate the soldiers who fought for the Korean Empire. It was built on formerly restricted area at the foot of Namsan Mountain in 1900, and it was arranged putting the ceremonial shrine Dansa (壇祠) as a central building and the annexes in the surroundings of it. The memorial ceremonies were held regularly in spring and autumn until 1909. Secondly, it became a city park for citizens of Gyeongseong-bu(the name of Seoul under the Japanese colonial rule). The authorities of Gyeongseong-bu reorganized Jangchungdan as a park in 1919, prohibited the performance of memorial ceremonies, and the existing buildings except the ceremonial shrine Dansa began to be used as park management facilities. Resting areas and amenities were supplemented for the usage of people from various backgrounds, and the large scale planting of cherry trees made the park a famous place to enjoy cherry-blossoms and other flowers in spring. Thirdly, it was reconstructed as a space to honor the influential personalities of Japanese colonial system. In 1932, Bankmun temple (博文寺) to commemorate Ito Hirobumi was constructed at a location that made it possible for a number of people to overlook Jangchungdan area. During that time, the buildings of traditional Joseon architecture were removed and reconstructed to serve as annexes to Bankmun temple. Due to the strategy to make Jangchungdan park a tourist attraction, Bankmun temple was included into the Gyeongseong sightseeing course, since the wide panorama of Jangchungdan Park and the whole city of Gyeongseong was opening from the temple. Various different components were introduced into Jangchungdan Park due to the rapidly changing circumstances; therefore the nature of the park was either altered or reproduced. Hopefully, the park rearrangement works will be executed paying respects to the memories of the past hereafter.

• FLOWER RESEARCH JOURNAL
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.125-135
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• 2010

To discover the main characteristics of Korean traditional flower arrangement, they were compared with different articles and old paintings used in royal court ceremonies. The primary research involved principle of design. The times periods used were the Joseon Dynasty era of Korea, the Ming era of China, and the Edo eras of Japan. The result, which shows both the similarities and differences, of the research is summarized as follows. The similarities were that they all respect the features of nature, and their image expresses their creator's thinking. There was one technique, called 'Suje', in which a part of the stem is coming out from one branch. Also, each three eras preferred flowering trees and ornamental trees more than annuals or foliage plants. one of the differences was that korea used a simple number of materials. The work had volume and appeared mild by using a soft curved line which was repetitive and massive. The Joseon Dynasty era advanced a sense of beauty with artistic symmetry and balance. The work seemed soft and natural because of the little change in blank space, with almost no angle of line. The form had a characteristic preference of being taller than the typical Japanese arrangement. It appeared simple, calm, and rustic by using only one kind of material. In contrast, the Chinese style was gorgeous and displayed volume in a non-symmetrical tripodal form, which incorporated various colors and materials. Also, they avoided processing the materials in order to emphasize the original beauty of nature. Chinese flower arts did not become formalized because they did not consider the formality seriously the formal. The Japanese style was also gorgeous because it incorporated various materials and angles. It included an extreme technique in which an artificial line divided the blank space delicately. The line was both strong and delicate in an established form. The restriction of the main branch gave a light feeling, as well as more strain as in a balance sense. The Japanese eras emphasized more the use of line and a sense of blank space.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.185-215
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• 2018

This paper discusses the Historical significance of Li-thought at the Hoejae, Lee-Eonjeok's Bongseonjabui. In this study, I tried to derive the value and meaning in the history of the Chosun Dynasty by examining the comparison between the Bongseonjabui and Book of Ancestor-memorial Ceremonies written in the 16th century The following is a summary of the Historical significance of Li-thought of Bongseonjabui. First, it is the first concrete result of the Chosun Dynasty concerning the Family Rituals. Second, it is characterized not only the description of actual procedures but also the explanations of both the theory and reality in Ancestor-memorial Ceremony. Third, it is an example of harmonizing with the national system and the customs of time by applying to the situation of Chosun society at that time. Fourth, it is an example that focuses on the essential meaning of the Ancestor-memorial Ceremony, not the attitude of one side the Zhu Xi's Family Rituals as in the later books.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.21-40
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• 1980

In order to take cue of the dying persons and their survivors in a more positive and affirmative atti-tube. and to understand the valuable meaning of and dying. a survey was performed to 550 cases of health care personnels including 116 nursing students. 238 medical students. 137 nurses. and 59 doctors. Samplings were made through census Procedure from the entire group of medical and nursing students in College of Medicine. Chung-Ang University. and of licenced nurses and doctors in Chung-Ang University Hospital. and in Han-Gang Sacred Heart Hospital from the first to the end of march. 1980. These collected data were computerized at KIST by SPSS programming and were statistically analyzed by chi-square test. Through content analysis of the word associated with death and descriptive analysis of the death-re-lated variables. the following conclusion in is reached. First. Total numbers of death-word percieved by health care personnels were 198 kinds. Among them, 40 kinds of words associated with death were responded from than 1% of the total. As to the 10 death related word responded by free word association method. it was revealed that individual average number of death related word was 7.70 word. which came from higher number of words in the senior students (8.96 word) or the graduates (8.10 word) compared with the freshman (6.84 word). Second. In Content specific analysis of the death related word. more frequently perceived types summarized as the following order; the affective context of death. the diseases. the disasters. the religion, the funeral ceremonies. the separation, the drakness. and the life. Third. The most prevalent 10 words associated with death which the the respondents gave response to the the first recalling word. were as following o order； the dieases. the sadness, the vanity. the darkness, the frustration. the suicide. the incurable dieases, the graves. the dead. and the catastrophes. By sex, the diease is outstanding in females, but the vanity is in males. By occupation. the vanity and the dead was frequently observed in student group including senior students. while the incurable dieases presented by doctors. Fourth. In health care personnels. the first perceived ages of death were 11.47 $\pm$3.33 years (8.14- 15.80 years). Among them. senior students were inclined to percept death at the earliest age of life (11.28years). while doctors and nurses perceived death later in their life (12.98 years). Fifth, It is revealed in this survey that the most frequently responded death perceiving motives by health care personnels ar“psychological conflict”and“death of those around them”. Death perceiving motives can be classified in two factors; personality and life circumstances. Sixth It is of interest that only 11.3% health care personnels was found to feel death as inevitable or acceptable event. whereas 58.3% deny or reject it.

• Archives of design research
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.237-246
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• 1999

The study ooramed has the meanngs as a goal, to examine a character and changes of function a "Maru" in the literatures historically. Methodically the literatures in the temporal oonsequences were selected, and the "Maru", whidl oomes into it, was interpreted in its historical oonnections. By the investigation I oould oome to the following results. First of all, those terms "Maru" and "Daechll1Q" were cfifferently used after the sizes and p1ares of the spaces concerned. I.e, the "Maru" in the center of the house is called "Daed1ung", With the Maru does not concern actually its p1are, Secondly, the functions of the spare "Maru" are characterized as follows. ·Space for the important ceremonies ·Spare for the passage and the switching of two or several spaces. ·Determination of the hierardly of spares in the whole house. ·Spare for the receipt. ·Spare for sleeping and for living. ·Spare for work, storage etc. Thirdly, the meanings of the "Maru" were dlanged as follows in the time. ·The term "Man! was used from the past to today without interrujjion. Arot.l1d 1930 the tenns "Yangsil" and "Geosil" for the tenn "Maru" were emerged. ·The different dlaraderistics for the space "Maru" are found in the cortemporary literatures only rare. This thing explains itself by the fad that the "Maru" becomes the inner-spare after 1900 by the restructuring of the dwelling spares.hing explains itself by the fad that the "Maru" becomes the inner-spare after 1900 by the restructuring of the dwelling spares.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.223-243
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• 2013

Value collision takes place in the news organization at times. The concept of social responsibility has been serving as the raison d'$\hat{e}$tre not just of individual reporters but eventually of journalism in general. But when the organizational interests are at stake, more realistic values contributing to the organization often override the normative values. This phenomenon occurs since there exists a clear discrepancy between the nominally highlighted values and the virtual values of press owner or news organization. Focusing on Chosun Ilbo, this paper tries to identify the values a news organization really underlines and pursues, and explores the nature of organizational culture embedded in these values. In specific, this study analyzes such performances as ceremonies and rituals, regular or occasional, in Chosun Ilbo, since these are cultural practices which produce and circulate particular meanings and values forming the basis of organizational culture. According to this study, 'strong unity' is the core value which the owner family in Chosun Ilbo has ever been spotlighting. As long as the strong unity is stressed, the role playing as members of news organization for its interest is more highly regarded than carrying out the normative missions given unto the journalists in general.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.123-139
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• 2003

This study examines the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect through field study and various documents. The purpose of the study is to elucidate how their religious ideas are reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteritics and underlying meanings these costumes have, and I reached the following conclusions 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs in their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups turned out to have certain characteristics in common: they all reflected the times, Korean tradition, ancestor worship. 3. I looked at the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme to establish their structural characteristics, and it turned out that they an symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, for instance, had to do with Buddhism Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common type of costume consisted of traditional hanbok top, pant, robe, and some type of headpiece for men, and hanbok top and, skirt for women, and if women were to wear a robe, it usually meant the sect believed in sexual equality. There was also a tendency to simplify or minimize the dress code, which seems to indicate that the sect was trying to adapt itself to, the times. The most common type of the outer garment for men was a robe with narrow sleeves, straight lapel, and no slits, and a robe with wide sleeves, straight lapel, and slits for women. The color scheme of the costumes included blue, white, yellow, red, and black, reflecting the influence of the Yin-Yang and Five Elements idea and traditional preference for white of Koreans. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various element of traditional Korean outfit and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas. Many religions in and fall, and each has its own dress codes, and I hope this study provides a framework and data for other researchers and leaders of new religious groups that will emerge in the future.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.185-204
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to take into consideration the formative and aesthetic characteristics of wedding dresses that existed during the periods of Neo-Classicism and Romanticism which appeared as a reaction toward Neo-Classicism. The method of the research was mainly focused on precedent research data and general references. Furthermore the data on wedding dresses was mainly collected from British, French, and American library and museum web sites. The result of the research is the following. The Neo-Classicism art, which appeared along with the enlightenment in the beginning of the 19th century, pursues beauty based on associations and imitations of ancient Greek and Roman arts. In addition to aforementioned pursuits, the Neo-Classicism art also pursued universal beauty and social usefulness through law and order. This aesthetic value was also applied to the wedding dresses, so classical beauty, natural beauty and universal beauty were expressed as follows: corsets of the previous era were removed from general clothing and Empire style that imitated natural Greek style became predominant. Also, muslin replaced high quality clothes which were used as the main materials of the dressing during the previous era. Empire style's wedding dress became popular and simple colors and styles of the wedding dress expressed the beauty of the human body and emphasized civility at the same time. Romanticism art and costumes opposed rationalism and pursued sentimentalism. Moreover, it pursued diversity, exotic tastes and accepted diverse reactionism unlike Neo-Classicism's simplification and standardization. These aesthetic characteristic were applied to the wedding dress of this period; wedding dress of romanticism pursued feminine and elegant beauty with "X" silhouettes and various decorations, like general costumes. And they were decorated with a variety of excessive accessories, details and trimmings to express romantic sentimentalism. Exotic tastes which included Chinese, Egyptian, Indian influence and other diverse tastes were expressed through hair style, accessories and patterns of shawl. However, the white color in the wedding dress revealed purity and sanctity which cannot be found from general costumes regardless of whether the dress expressed Neo-classicism or Romanticism. As a formal dress worn during wedding ceremonies, the wedding dresses of the royalty revealed dignity and authority and significantly influenced later wedding dress designs.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.33 no.12
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• pp.1883-1896
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• 2009

This paper explores the use of Korean wrapping cloths (bojagi) in the late Joseon period and the types of decorations applied to them. Korean wrapping cloths called bojagi are pieces of cloths used by households of all social classes for practical purposes such as wrapping presents and covering food. In addition to the basic purposes, the making of bojagi was also an activity to express the down-to-earth wishes and the satisfaction of creation by the designer. With regard to the decorative feature of Korean wrapping cloths, five types of, patchwork, embroidered, painted, printed, and oiled-paper wrapping cloths, were examined. The patchwork wrapping cloths (jogakbo) show the frugality of Joseon women in addition to the well-developed composition skill of lines and colors. The embroidered wrapping cloths were prepared for special rituals and ceremonies such as weddings. Painted wrapping cloths were decorated with a Chinese-colors technique (called dangchae) or sometimes with black ink painting. For printed wrapping cloths, various sizes of woodblock printings and roller printings were used. Although monotone black ink was the main color applied to the printing, there was also wrapping cloths made from chintz having brilliant fast colors. Oiled-paper wrapping cloths called sikjibo were in use only for covering food. Cut-out work was employed to decorate it.