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Effects of Compressed Expansion Rice Hull Application and Drip Irrigation on the Alleviation of Salt Accumulation in the Plastic Film House Soil (팽화왕겨 처리와 점적관개에 의한 염류집적 시설재배지 염류경감 효과)

  • Cho, Kwang-Rae;Kang, Chang-Sung;Won, Tae-Jin;Park, Kyeong-Yeol
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.39 no.6
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    • pp.372-379
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    • 2006
  • This study was carried out to improve chemical properties of salt-accumulated plastic film house soil. Compressed expansion rice hull was applied at 0, 2.5, 5.0, $7.5Mg\;ha^{-1}$, and drip irrigation was initiated at -33 kilopascals (kPa) of soil water potential and ceased adjusted up to -10 kPa. Another treatment was the application of inflated rice hull at $5.0Mg\;ha^{-1}$ with drip irrigation starting at soil water potential -20 kPa and adjusted to -10 kPa. Lettuce(Lactuca sativa L.) was cultivated at sandy loam soil with $5.1dS\;m^{-1}$ of electrical conductivity (EC). $EC_w$(1:5) of plots treated with $5.0Mg\;ha^{-1}$ of inflated rice hull and irrigated at the point of -20 kPa and -33 kPa of soil water potential was reduced by 26% and 24% less than untreated control plot, respectively. Soil $EC_w$(1:5) has close relationship with $Cl^-$ as well as $NO_3{^-}-N$ and $SO{_4}^{2-}$ in the soil. Total nitrogen in leaf of lettuce was deficient in the earlier growth stage. The yield of lettuce increased by 6% by the application of inflated rice hull of $5.0Mg\;ha^{-1}$ with drip irrigation starting at -33 kPa of soil water potential. It decreased 4% when the drip irrigation was stated at -20 kPa of soil water potential. The amount of water used for irrigation was reduced with the increasing application of inflated rice hull. The watering initiated at the point of -33 kPa was more economical compared with starting at -20 kPa.

Effect of Reversible Air-circulation Fans on Air Uniformity in a Cultivation Facility for Oyster Mushroom (느타리재배사 정역 제어 대류팬이 공기 균일도에 미치는 영향)

  • Yum, Sung Hyun;Kim, Si Hwan
    • Journal of Bio-Environment Control
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    • v.30 no.4
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    • pp.383-392
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    • 2021
  • It has been known that oyster mushrooms cultivated in facilities with thermal insulation have been strongly affected by inner environments. Forced air-circulation fans exert much direct influence on disturbing air inside the facility so the matter is of particular interest. This study is carried out to investigate the measured levels of air uniformity in a cultivation facility for oyster mushroom in the various cases that reversibly controlled air-circulation fans which drove the flow in the upward and reverse direction by turn and unidirectional fans by which the wind blew upwards only were operated from July 1 to 10. The actual survey for the selection of ongoing operation cases presented that farmers, even though there were some discrepancies, have made use of fans in a way that it paused for 5-30min after running for 5-15min by turn. The level of air uniformity in the case of adopting reversible fans revealed a slight difference of 1.4-1.8℃ (Temp.) and 7.8-8.7% (R.H.) under the condition of not using a cooler during the investigation period. By contrast, unidirectional fans showed a noticeable difference of 3.2-3.7℃ and 14.0-15.4%, which meant that air uniformity driven by reversible fans much more increased compared to that for unidirectional fans. Among the twenty operational applications considered for reversible fans, the circumstance that the wind blew upwards for 10-15min and ceased for 5-10min and blew again in the reverse direction for 10-15min in succession gave minor improvements at the level of air uniformity, but at present there was somewhat difficult to make decision on which cases were optimally best. It seems necessary that the effects of reversible fans on air uniformity as well as qualities of oyster mushrooms have to be appraised in the cultivation period and the flow visualization needs to be done to ascertain the performance of air mixture.

Traditional Performing Arts and Nomadic Entertaining Troupes Depicted in "Nectar of Immortality" (감로탱에 묘사된 전통연희와 유랑예인집단)

  • Jeon, Kyung-Wook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.20
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    • pp.163-204
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    • 2010
  • "Nectar of Immortality", also known as Suryukwha, is a painting which is hung on the wall during Suryukjae, a rite to console the spirits residing on both land and water. The Suryukwha at Bonyung Temple in the Ming Dynasty consisted of 139 scrolls depicting separate scenes. In Korea, however, Nectar of Immortality combines all the scenes into one large painting. The lower part of Nectar of Immortality describes pain, disasters, and the frailty of human life in this world. This is intended to inspire people to embrace Buddhism and be delivered from their worldly existence. However, it reflects the social realities of that time as well. The scenes at the bottom of the painting of nomadic troupes of entertainers and their performances are part of this reflection. In this section, various scenes of traditional Korean performance are illustrated, such as double and single tightrope walking, Sotdaetagi (performing atop a pole), Ssangjulbaegi (one form of Sotdaetagi), tumbling, bell juggling, mask dramas, dish spinning, puppet shows, the dance of Sadang, and sword dancing. Among these performances, some, such as Sotdaetagi, Ssangjulbaegi, double tightrope walking, bell juggling and sword dancing (Punggakjaengipae), have since ceased to exist. The troupes of entertainers depicted in Nectar of Immortality are Sadangpae, Namsadangpae, Sotdaejaengipae, Choranipae, Punggakjaenipae, Gutjungpae, and circus troupes. When, after itinerant lives, these entertainers die, they become forlorn wandering spirits with no descendants to perform their memorial services. The entertainers in the performance scenes are the embodiment of souls who are the subjects of salvation through Suryukjae. Among these entertainers, Sotdaejaengipae, Sadangpae, Choranipae, Punggakjaenipae and Gutjungpae no longer exist. In sum, Nectar of Immortality provides insight into the vanished content of numerous historic forms of performance and the activities of nomadic troupes of entertainers.

A Study on the Sahyang and Characteristics of Naturalized Citizens in Early Chosun (조선초기 귀화인(歸化人)의 사향(賜鄕)과 특징)

  • Yim, Seon-bin
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.37
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    • pp.63-91
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    • 2009
  • This study presents an investigation into the Sahyang process and activities of the individuals whose Sahyang(receiving Gwanhyang from the king) was confirmed in the Shilrok documents of early Chosun among naturalized citizens(Hyanghwains). In early Chosun, there were four Chinese(Oh Jin, Lee Min-do, Dang Seong, and Mae Woo) in the Sahyang cases with more of those cases found among Hoigol-in(Seol Jang-soo, an Uighur) and Oioa-guk nationality(Lee Hyeon) from the countries bordering on Western China and two Japanese(Pyeong Sun and Pi Sang-ui). They were naturalized from the reign of King Chungryeol of Goryeo to the first year of King Jeongjong's reign of Chosun. They were diverse to include the great grandfather, grandfather, and father of the individual that received Gwanhyang and himself. There were one case of Sahyang during the reign of King Taejo, four during the reign of King Taejong, one during the reign of King Sejong, and three during the reign of King Sejo. The Gwanhyang they received was wide spread across the nation including Gyerim, Imju, Haeju, Sangju, Milyang, Chungju, Changwon, Dongrae, and Taean. It's very likely that the place of Sahyang was Cheohyang. Many of those who received Gwanhyang were translators and achieved great feats in Chosun's diplomacy with Ming Dynasty and Japan. There were also those who worked in medicine, art of divination, and articles of a criminal code. Seol Jang-su, who passed the state exam of Chosun, was in charge of Jigonggeo, and Lee Min-do and Dang Seong made a contribution to the establishment of Chosun and became big or small meritorious retainers at the founding of Chosun. It's all thanks to those performances that they had the honor of Sahyang of receiving Gwanhyang. Although they were the Gwanhyang with the honor of Sahyang, there is no confirmation of the descendents of the Lee family of Imju, the Pyeong family of Changwon, and the Pi family of Dongrae. While the descendents of the naturalized Chinese still remain in the nation, those of naturalized Japanese ceased to exist, which must be closely related to Chosun's perceptions of other nations those days.

Zeolitization of the Dacitic Tuff in the Miocene Janggi Basin, SE Korea (장기분지 데사이트질 응회암의 불석화작용)

  • Kim, Jinju;Jeong, Jong Ok;Shinn, Young-Jae;Sohn, Young Kwan
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.55 no.1
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    • pp.63-76
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    • 2022
  • Dacitic tuffs, 97 to 118 m thick, were recovered from the lower part of the subsurface Seongdongri Formation, Janggi Basin, which was drilled to assess the potential for underground storage of carbon dioxide. The tuffs are divided into four depositional units(Unit 1 to 4) based on internal structures and particle componentry. Unit 1 and Units 3/4 are ignimbrites that accumulated in subaerial and subaqueous settings, respectively, whereas Unit 2 is braided-stream deposits that accumulated during a volcanic quiescence, and no dacitic tuff is observed. A series of analysis shows that mordenite and clinoptilolite mainly fill the vesicles of glass shards, suggesting their formation by replacement and dissolution of volcanic glass and precipitation from interstitial water during burial and diagenesis. Glass-replaced clinoptilolite has higher Si/Al ratios and Na contents than the vesicle-filling clinoptilolite in Units 3. However, the composition of clinoptilolite becomes identical in Unit 4, irrespective of the occurrence and location. This suggests that the Si/Al ratio and pH in the interstitial water increased with time because of the replacement and leaching of volcanic glass, and that the composition of interstitial water was different between the eastern and western parts of the basin during the formation of the clinoptilolite in Units 1 and 3. It is also inferred that the formation of the two zeolite minerals was sequential according to the depositional units, i.e., the clinoptilolite formed after the growth of mordenite. To summarize, during a volcanic quiescence after the deposition of Unit 1, pH was higher in the western part of the basin because of eastward tilting of the basin floor, and the zeolite ceased to grow because of the closure of the pore space as a result of the growth of smectite. On the other hand, clinoptilolite could grow in the eastern part of the basin in an open system affected by groundwater, where braided stream was developed. Afterwards, Units 3 and 4 were submerged under water because of the basin subsidence, and the alkali content of the interstitial water increased gradually, eventually becoming identical in the eastern and western parts of the basin. This study thus shows that volcanic deposits of similar composition can have variable distribution of zeolite mineral depending on the drainage and depositional environment of basins.

Studies on the Ecological Characteristics for the Plant Types in Peanut (Arachis hypogaea L.) I. Differences of Flowering Habit for the Botanical Types (땅콩의 초형별 생태적 특성에 관한 연구 -제 1 보 초형별 개화습성의 차이-)

  • Lee, J.I.;Park, Y.H.;Park, Y.K.
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.191-197
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    • 1984
  • This study was conducted to investigate the flowering habit for the botanical types of peanut (Arachis hypogaea. L) in cultural limiting region. Eight peanut varieties pertaining to virginia, Spanish, Valencia, Shinpung type were used in this study. Shinpung type, a new erect type was developed at Crop Experiment Station, ORD. Appearance of the first flower of peanut plants is observed at a relatively early growing stage. Number of days to first flower were 41 days under vinyl-mulching while non-mulching culture took 55 days. Number of days to first flower were delayed in order of Valencia, Spanish, Shinpung, Virginia type. Flowering durations were distinguished among botanical types and days of those were Virginia 85-93, Spanish 101-105, Valencia 106-113, Shinpung 82-88 days, respectively. The Spanish and Valencia types produced more flowers than Virginia and Shinpung types. The maximum flowering stage of Shinpung and Virginia types reached early and ceased by one cycle, while Spanish and Valencia types came late and showed maximum stage through the early and late stage during the growth stage. By vinyl-mulching, the maximum flowering stage was shortened by 20 days than that of non-mulching. Distribution of flowers for each of branch positions to total flowers occupied 52-53% in two cotyledonary branchs, 23-27% in 3rd to 5th branchs, 20-25% in over. 6th branchs. Shinpung type was considered more favorable botanical type than the other types for the breeding of early maturing high yielding variety because of shortening of days to first flower, flowering duration and distribution of lower branch of effective flowers.

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Studies on the Effects of Caponization and Various Hormone Treatment on the Meat Production and Quality in Growing Chicken (닭에 있어서 거세(去勢) 및 Hormone 처리(處理)가 산육성(産肉性) 및 육질(肉質)에 미치는 영향(影響)에 관한 연구(硏究))

  • Ra, Kwang Yon
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.9-47
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    • 1975
  • These experiments were caried out to study the effects of caponization and various hormone treatments upon meat production and improvement of meat quality of growing chicken. Sixtyseven days old 160 New Hampshire cockerels were treated and growth rate, carcass yield, change of weight of individual organs, meat composition and change of amino acid were measured and analysed. Otherwise change of testis and thyroid gland by hormone treatment were investigated histologically. The results obtained were as follows. 1. The effectst of caponization and hormone treatment upon meat production were; 1) Body weight of cockerels in D. E. S. group without caponization was increased. upon 96.86% than initial period and A. C. T. H. group was 104.22% but other groups and all carponization groups were lighter than those of control group. 2) Weekly body gain of D. E. S. group without caponization was best showing the significance (102.69 g) and the group with caponization were lower than those groups without caponization. 3) Carcass yield was best in Testo. group without caponization (831.2 g) and the group with caponization were lower than the group without caponization. 4) Carcass rate was highest in A. C. T. H. group with caponization and (67.22%) lowest in Testo. group without caponization (63.37%), but any significance was not recognized. 2. The effects of caponizatitn and hormone treatments upon the coposition of meat and amino acids were; 1) Any significance was not recognized between treated and untreated group about change of moisture, crude protein, crude ash and glycogen contents in meat. 2) Fat co tent in muscle in the all treated groups were higher than that of control group. 3) Extracts of group without caponization were higher than those of groups with caponization. 4) Lysin contents were highest in D. E. S. group with caponization (11. 12/ 16.0 g N) and generelly Testo. group was lower compared with D. E. S. group. 5) Histidine and Arginine contents were higher in the groups with caponization than without caponization. 6) Aspartic acid content were higher in D. E. S. group and A. C. T. H. group without depend on caponization. 7) Treonine content was higher in Testo. group without caponization and in the group with caponization and without hormone treatment compared with those of control group without caponization. 8) Serine content was decreased in the group with caponization and increased by D. E. S. and A. C. T. H treatment groups and glutamic acid was also decreased in Testo. group with out caponization. 9) Cystine content was decreased by Testo. treatment and was not appeared in Testo. group without caponization. 10) Valine content was lower in control group with caponization but significance was not recognized between other groups and control group without caponization. 11) Glycine, Alanine, Methionine. Isoleucine, Leucine, Thyrosine and Phenylalanine contents were not so difference between hormone treated groups and control group without caponization. 3. The effects of caponization and hormone treatment upon the change of organs were: 1) The weight of all organs were heaviest in D. E. S. group without caponization (18.5g) and lightest in A. C. T. H. group without caponization (155. 3g) but no significance was recognized between hormone treatment groups. 2) Heart weight was heaviest in D. E. S. group without caponization (7.46 g) and lightest in Testo. group without caponization (5.95 g). 3) Liver weight was heaviest in D. E. S. group without caponization(32.89g) and lightest in hormone untreated group with caponization(29.66g). Significance was not recognized. 4) Spleen weight was heaivest in Testo. group with caponization (3.22 g) and lightest in D. E. S. group without caponization(2.00g) in contrast with the other groups. High significance was recognized among the groups (P<0.01). 5) Cloacal thymus weight was lightest in D. E. S. group with or without caponization compared with control group without caponization. High significance was recognized among the groups. 6) Muscle fat content was not appeared in A. C. T. H. group with caponization, but it was highly increased in D. E. S. group with or without caponization. 7) Testis weight was lightest in D. E. S. group (0.38g) compared with control group (2.66g). Significance was recognized among the groups. 8) Large intestine, small intestine and cecum weight and length were heavier and longer in D. E. S. group without caponization and control group without caponization was lighter than those of hormone treated groups. 4. The effects of caponization and hormone treatment upon histological change of testis and thyroid gland: 1) The histological change of testis was significantly appeared in D. E. S. group that seminifirous tubles was slowly atrophied, the funtion of spernatogenesis was ceased, spermatocyte was changed as degeneration by pyknosis and karyorrhexis and interstitial cell was also atrophied, but in Testo. and A. C. T. H. group were similar as control group. 2) The histological change of thyroid gland in Testo. and A. C. T. H. groups without caponization were similar to that of control group without caponization, but in D. E. S. group without caponization, was changed squamously. Thyroid gland of the groups with caponization, epithelium of was atrophied and changed squamously as degeneration by pyknosis and karyorrhexis and the function of thyroid gland was slowly ceased in colloid and in hormone treated group with caponization.

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Microbiological and Enzymological Studies on Takju Brewing (탁주(濁酒) 양조(釀造)에 관(關)한 미생물학적(微生物學的) 및 효소학적(酵素學的) 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, Chan-Jo
    • Applied Biological Chemistry
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    • v.10
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    • pp.69-100
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    • 1968
  • 1. In order to investigate on the microflora and enzyme activity of mold wheat 'Nuruk' , the major source of microorganisms for the brewing of Takju (a Korean Sake), two samples of Nuruk, one prepared at the College of Agriculture, Chung Nam University (S) and the other perchased at a market (T), were taken for the study. The molds, aerobic bacteria, lactic acid bacteria, and yeasts were examined and counted. The yeasts were classified by the treatment with TTC (2, 3, 5 triphenyltetrazolium chloride) agar that yields a varied shade of color. The amylase and protease activities of Nuruk were measured. The results were as the followings. a) In the Nuruk S found were: Aspergillus oryzae group, $204{\times}10^5$; Black Aspergilli, $163{\times}10^5$; Rhizogus, $20{\times}10^5$; Penicillia, $134{\times}10^5$; Areobic bacteria, $9{\times}10^6-2{\times}10^7$; Lactic acid bacteria, $3{\times}10^4$ In the Nuruk T found were: Aspergillus oryzae group, $836{\times}10^5$; Black Aspergilli, $286{\times}10^5$; Rhizopus, $623{\times}10^5$; Penicillia, $264{\times}10^5$; Aerobic bacteria, $5{\times}10^6-9{\times}10^6$; Lactic acid bacteria, $3{\times}10^4$ b) Eighty to ninety percent of the aerobic bacteria in Nuruk S appeared to belong to Bacillus subtilis while about 70% of those in Nuruk T seemed to be spherical bacteria. In both Nuruks about 80% of lactic acid bacteria were observed as spherical ones. c) The population of yeasts in 1g. of Nuruk S was about $6{\times}10^5$, 56.5% of which were TTC pink yeasts, 16% of which were TTC red pink yeasts, 8% of which were TTC red yeasts, 19.5% of which were TTC white yeasts. In Nuruk T(1g) the number of yeasts accounted for $14{\times}10^4$ and constituted of 42% TTC pink. 21% TTC red pink 28% TTC red and 9% TTC white. d) The enzyme activity of 1g Nuruk S was: Liquefying type Amylase, $D^{40}/_{30},=256$ W.V. Saccharifying type Amylase, 43.32 A.U. Acid protease, 181 C.F.U. Alkaline protease, 240C.F.U. The enzyme activity of 1g Nuruk T was: Liquefying type Amylase $D^{40}/_{30},=32$ W.V. Saccharifying type amylase $^{30}34.92$ A.U. Acid protease, 138 C.F.U. Alkaline protease 31 C.F.U. 2. During the fermentation of 'Takju' employing the Nuruks S and T the microflora and enzyme activity throughout the brewing were observed in 12 hour intervals. TTC pink and red yeasts considered to be the major yeasts were isolated and cultured. The strains ($1{\times}10^6/ml$) were added to the mashes S and T in which pH was adjusted to 4.2 and the change of microflora was examined during the fermentation. The results were: a) The molds disappeared from each sample plot since 2 to 3 days after mashing while the population of aerobic bacteria was found to be $10{\times}10^7-35{\times}10^7/ml$ inS plots and $8.2{\times}10^7-12{\times}10^7$ in plots. Among them the coccus propagated substantially until some 30 hours elasped in the S and T plots treated with lactic acid but decreased abruptly thereafter. In the plots of SP. SR. TP. and TR the coccus had not appeared from the beginning while the bacillus showed up and down changes in number and diminished by 1/5-1/10 the original at the end stage. b) The lactic acid bacteria observed in the S plot were about $7.4{\times}10^7$ in number per ml of the mash in 24 hours and increased up to around $2{\times}10^8$ until 3-4 days since. After this period the population decreased rapidly and reached about $4{\times}10^5$ at the end, In the plot T the lactic acid becteria found were about $3{\times}10^8$ at the period of 24 fours, about $3{\times}10$ in 3 days and about $2{\times}10^5$ at the end in number. In the plots SP. SR. TP, and TR the lactic acid bacteria observed were as less as $4{\times}10^5$ at the stage of 24 hours and after this period the organisms either remained unchanged in population or ceased to exist. c) The maiority of lactic acid bacteria found in each mash were spherical and the change in number displayed a tendency in accordance with the amount of lactic acid and alcohol produced in the mash. d) The yeasts had showed a marked propagation since the period of 24 hours when the number was about $2{\times}10^8$ ㎖ mash in the plot S. $4{\times}10^8$ in 48 hours and $5-7{\times}10^8$ in the end period were observed. In the plot T the number was $4{\times}10^8$ in 24 hours and thereafter changed up and down maintaining $2-5{\times}10^8$ in the range. e) Over 90% of the yeasts found in the mashes of S and T plots were TTC pink type while both TTC red pink and TTC red types held range of $2{\times}10-3{\times}10^7$ throughout the entire fermentation. f) The population of TTC pink yeasts in the plot SP was as $5{\times}10^8$ much as that is, twice of that of S plot at the period of 24 hours. The predominance in number continued until the middle and later stages but the order of number became about the same at the end. g) Total number of the yeasts observed in the plot SR showed little difference from that of the plot SP. The TTC red yeasts added appeared considerably in the early stage but days after the change in number was about the same as that of the plot S. In the plot TR the population of TTC red yeasts was predominant over the T plot in the early stage which there was no difference between two plots there after. For this reason even in the plot w hers TTC red yeasts were added TTC pink yeasts were predominant. TTC red yeasts observed in the present experiment showed continuing growth until the later stage but the rate was low. h) In the plot TP TTC pink yeasts were found to be about $5{\times}10^8$ in number at the period of 2 days and inclined to decrease thereafter. Compared with the plot T the number of TTC pink yeasts in the plot TP was predominant until the middle stage but became at the later stage. i) The productivity of alcohol in the mash was measured. The plot where TTC pink yeasts were added showed somewhat better yield in the earely stage but at and after the middle stage the difference between the yeast-added and the intact mashes was not recognizable. And the production of alcohol was not proportional to the total number of yeasts present. j) Activity of the liquefying amylase was the highest until 12 hours after mashing, somewhat lowered once after that, and again increased around 36-48 hours after mashing. Then the activity had decreased continuously. Activity of saccharifying amylase also decreased at the period of 24 hours and then increased until 48 hours when it reached the maximum. Since, the activity had gradually decreased until 72 hours and rapidly so did thereafter. k) Activity of alkaline protease during the fermentation of mash showed a tendency to decrease continusously although somewhat irregular. Activity of acid protease increased until hours at the maximum, then decreased rapidly, and again increased, the vigor of acid protease showed better shape than that of alkaline protease throughout. 3. TTC pink yeasts that were predominant in number, two strains of TTC red pink yeasts that appeared throughout the brewing, and TTC red yeasts were identified and the physiological characters examined. The results were as described below. a) TTC pinkyeasts (B-50P) and two strains of TTC red pink yeasts (B-54 RP & B-60 RP) w ere identified as the type of Saccharomyces cerevisiae and TTC pink red yeasts CB-53 R) were as the type of Hansenula subpelliculosa. b) The fermentability of four strains above mentioned were measured as follows. Two strains of TTC red pink yeasts were the highest, TTC pink yeasts were the lowest in the fermantability. The former three strains were active in the early stage of fermentation and found to be suitable for manufacturing 'Takju' TTC red yeasts were found to play an important role in Takju brewing due to its strong ability to produce esters although its fermentability was low. c) The tolerance against nitrous acid of strains of yeast was marked. That against lactic acid was only 3% in Koji extract, and TTC red yeasts showed somewhat stronger resistance. The tolerance against alcohol of TTC pink and red pink yeasts in the Hayduck solution was 7% while that in the malt extract was 13%. However, that of TTC red yeasts was much weaker than others. Liguefying activity of gelatin by those four strains of yeast was not recognized even in 40 days. 4. Fermentability during Takju brewing was shown in the first two days as much as 70-80% of total fermentation and around 90% of fermentation proceeded in 3-4 days. The main fermentation appeared to be completed during :his period. Productivity of alcohol during Takju brewing was found to be apporximately 65% of the total amount of starch put in mashing. 5. The reason that Saccharomyces coreanuss found be Saito in the mash of Takju was not detected in the present experiment is considered due to the facts that Aspergillus oryzae has been inoculated in the mold wheat (Nuruk) since around 1930 and also that Koji has been used in Takju brewing, consequently causing they complete change in microflora in the Takju brewing. This consideration will be supported by the fact that the original flavor and taste have now been remarkably changed.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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