• Title/Summary/Keyword: Capitalistic Money

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The Change of Nurse호s Status According to the Status of Women II -From the post medieval epoche to late modern epoche- (여성의 지위에 따른 간호사의 위상 변화 II -중세 이후부터 근대 후기까지-)

  • 최순옥
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.139-149
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    • 1999
  • It is very important to establish precisely the historical phases of nursing. We nurses should try to acquire the central social position in the health management system in the near the future, the 21st Century. Therefore my treatise aims to orient the desirable phases of the history of nursing through the feministic survey of the history of nursing from the post medieval epoche to the modern epoche. During the time of the renaissance which gave morning light to the modern epoche, the antique Athenian thinking of sex was again revived. Athenian excluded the women from the public and autonomous regions. All the medical activity, once dominated by the women, was misfortunately regarded as superstition acted by witches. Accordingly, the nursing women were to hunted as witches. In short, in the early modern epoche, women began to be excluded from the history of medical activities. In the middle modern epoche characterized by the enlightenment movement and early capital economic system, capitalistic patriarchal system began to be formed by change in the economic system. The status of women began to be greatly dropped below by the social distinction of the private dimension of home and the Public dimension of job. The woman was deprived of even the occasion to get the official license of medicine and medical institutions were handed to the state or the powerful and rich merchants. Accordingly, nursing acted mainly in the nunnery as the total approach to the patients was destructed wholly and transformed into the means of earning the money. Therefore unprepared low class -women began to engage in nursing only for the money. From then on, nursing activity was tunneled through the dark age for 200 years. In the late modern epoche characterized by the contrast of the accumulated vast capital by industrialization and vast poverty of the peoples, feminism began to float over the surface for the acquisition of equality of men and women from England. A feminist, Nightingale insisted that the women as nurses should be responsible for the healthy life of man. She tried the professional nursing education for women. Accordingly she not only contributed to the intellectual progress of women but also inspired in women the consciousness of the professional job. She tried to realize the ideal of at-that-time-feminists by engaging in nursing all through life. She really paved the road to contemporary nursing. In the near the future, I will write to describe how the late modern epoche nursing has fallen into the dilemma through the 1st and 2nd world wars and matured capitalism and to consider contemporary nursing with the status of women. All these papers aim to give proper recognition of nursing and right orientation of the future 21st Century nursing.

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The Creating Situations and Social Characteristics of Gutchum-pan to Pray - Focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut - ('축원-굿춤' 판의 생성 국면과 사회적 성격 - 동해안별신굿의 경우 -)

  • Jeon, Seong-Hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.38
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    • pp.349-383
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    • 2019
  • This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

Political Economic Analysis of the Central Bank Digital Currency (중앙은행 디지털 화폐에 대한 정치경제학적 분석)

  • YoungBin Hahn
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.2
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    • pp.147-178
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    • 2023
  • While most of countries today are opposing the issuance of private-led cryptocurrency, nevertheless they are actively jumping into the issuance of government-led digital currency such as CBDC. This article aims to find an answer to this dual attitude of countries. To achieve the purpose, this article finds out the characteristics of political power and economic interest that digital currency has and applies it to the international dimension of the Bretton Woods II System. Then come up to the conclusion that the answer can be found in the fact that the current dual attitude of countries is closely related to the crisis of the international monetary order. The Bretton Woods II System, which led the world economy through reckless monetary expansion based on credit currency, exposed its limitations through the 2008 global financial crisis and put countries into difficulties. In this situation, the cryptocurrency, which appeared by raising the issue of the monopoly power of the central authority in issuing currency, had no choice but to act as an opportunity to drive countries further and further into a corner. This article views CBDC as a national response to address these issues. In other words, countries maintain their monetary power by absorbing the challenge of private digital currency at the government level through CBDC, and use this as a stepping stone to reorganize the international monetary order in crisis with the intention to use it as a means to their advantage. That is what this article is trying to argue.