This paper is to examine philosophy of Jurye(周禮, national rituals) described on GyeongJeMunGam and GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip. As it is widely known, Sambong Jeong Do-Jeon (三峯 鄭道傳), regardless of evaluation by posterity, is definitely a figure who established 500 years of Joseon with almost everything handled by his own hands from presenting founding principle of Joseon to organizing the bureaucratic system. In the third year of King Taejo (1394) with Jurye as an ideological model for social innovation, Jeong Do-Jeon wrote Joseongyeonggukjeon and offered it to the king. Joseongyeonggukjeon is a sort of guide for new codes written by Jeong Do-Jeon as a part of defining culture and institutions of the new dynasty, which is based on Confucianism, the ruling idea of the new dynasty. GyeongJeMunGam supplements the section ChiJeon(治典: Articles for Governing) of JoSeonGyeongGukJeon(the first constitution of Joseon Dynasty) mainly to specify the duties and jobs of the prime minister; and also the duties and jobs of the highest secretaries of the kings, and provincial and county governors, whereas GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip consists of the section GunDo specifying the duties and jobs of the kings and the section Euiron additionally explaining about the kings' duties and jobs in the viewpoint of the philosophy of the Book of Change. That is, GyeongJeMunGam finely describes not only the changes, advantages and disadvantages of prime minister system of every dynasty of China and Korea but also the prime minister's duties/jobs and attitude for kings; and it also specifies the duties and jobs of the kings' highest secretaries, guards, provincial and county governors; on the other hand, GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip says that the king should play the symbolic figure setting their mind in right ways and train themselves with virtue through the idea of GunJuSuShin (君主修身: ) to point out a good and capable prime minister and make him govern the country without using their power fully.
In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.
This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.
This papers focuses on the Confucian classics for the correct orientation of education as a basic task of the Confucian classics will as a necessary whether the need for education, to identify the natural history study will attempt to have. In East Asia means that classics, the classicalization process of looking at Chinese culture, classicalization of review of the cultural meaning. And this papers focuses on the historical evolution of education, and education in China and Korea in the modern world the meaning of the Confucian classics education about and looked at two dilemmas. And outside the scope of Confucian five ethical thoughts as main moral to find new values and new interpretations about the legitimacy and philosophical thinking of the meaning of the Confucian classics Education. In addition, the development of educational content to the new Confucian classics on the subject of three applies to the existing approach and to propose a new type of comparison?Review. As primitive Confucian classics is not determined by a priori, the modern understanding of the Confucian classics also thorough review process of reflection and understanding the new system will have to be reconfigured. Furthermore, in the richness of modern society as the training methods as well as the development of relevant content for the modern society that values education's development is a very important issue. In this respect, should not be overlooked here is not about education, the effect of Confucian classics is concerned about the review. To this, first of all the Confucian classics need education about the content and strict screening operation. In addition, the ability to function in modern society, modern reinterpreted and the need to find a new educational element is. Because we did not give a realistic benefits and future view and any history or civilization, is always disappear in history. This series of problems will be a reason of require that philosophical thinking of Confucian classics education.
The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.
The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.
Jang Hyungang(張顯光, 1554~1570) was one of the very famous Neo-Confucianists of T'oegye School in the Chosun dynasty. Jang, nevertheless, refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory called li-qi-gyeong-wi-seol(理氣經緯說). So the theory was very unique in the history of Korean Neo-Confucianism. He matained that Tao(道), meaning the universal process which all beings including the human must follow, is accomplished by the unity of li(理, principle) and qi(ch'i, 氣, material force). He compared li and qi to warp(經) and woof(緯). According to his explanation, Tao is fulfilled by combining li and qi, as a textile is woven the combination of warps and woofs. He could, for I know, succeed to emphasize the unity of li and qii through this theory. Lots of Scholars in the Chosun dynasty criticized Jang's theory of li and qi for regarding li and qi as one, and thought that the theory originated from Luo Ch'inshun(羅欽順, 1465~1547), a famous Neo-Confucianist of in Early Ming China. Luo Ch'inshun maintained li-qi metaphysical monism that li and qi is united entity. In this respect, it seems that Jang's theory is similar to Luo's. However, I think that there are very important differences between the two. It is true that the main characteristics of Jang's theory is the unified relations between li and qi in this world. In the system of his philosophy, nevertheless, the topological position of li and qi are different in grade each other. Jang insisted that li is a supreme being to be materialized and realized through the movement of qi'in the process of universal development. Qi is accordingly only a kind of matter which completes li. In this sense, Jang's theory can be regarded as li metaphysical monism that li is the only substance. It means that Jang Hyeongwang's theory is a great contrast to Luo Ch'inshun's li-qi metaphysical monism.
In the East Asian Confucianism society, Hakmun was aimed to bring human beings and nature into harmony, and to explore a unity between knowledge and conducts. For example, Neo-Confucianism aspired they could explain the human existence and society through a single concept of Iki(理氣, the basic principles and the atmospheric force of nature). In this philosophy, humanics and natural sciences had not been differentiated at all. The East-West cultural interchanges at the beginning of modernity caused a crack in the traditional academic concepts. Through the Hundred Days of Reform(變法自疆運動, a movement of Strenuous Efforts through Reforming the Law), the Western Affairs Movement(洋務運動) in China, Meiji Restoration(明治維新) in Japan, or Innovation Movements(開化運動) and the Patriotic Enlightenment Movement(愛國啓蒙運動) in Korea, the traditional meanings of Hakmun was degraded while it became a target of the criticism of the enlightenment movements. Accordingly, East Asians' perception of Hakmun rapidly began to change. Although there had been the Silhak(實學, practical science) movement in Korea, which tried to differentiate its conceptualization of Hakmun from that of Neo-Confucianism during the 18th and 19th century, the fundamental shift in meaning occurred with the influx of the modern Western culture. This change converted the ultimate objective of Hakmun as well as its methods and substances. The separation of humanics and natural sciences, rise in dignity of the technological sciences, and subdivision of learning into disciplines and their specialization were accelerated during the Korean enlightenment period. The inflow of the modern western science, humanized thought, and empiricism functioned as mediators in these phase and they caused an irreversible crack in the traditional academic thoughts. Confronting the western mode of knowledge, however, the East Asian intellectuals had to explain their new learning by using traditional terms and concepts; modification was unavoidable when they tried to explain the newly imported knowledge and concepts. This presentation focuses on the traditional concepts of 'gyeogchi'(格致, extending knowledge by investigating things) and 'gungni'(窮理, investigation of principles), pervasively used in philosophy, physics and many other fields of study. These concepts will mark the key point with which to trace changes of knowledge and to understand the way how the concept of Hakmun was converted into a modern one.
The paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals refer to the paintings based on an influential poem called "The Song of the Eight Drunken Immortals" by Du Fu, a Chinese poet from the Tang Dynasty. This poem is about the eccentricity of the Eight Immortals known for their love of drinking. The Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated among East Asian intellectuals, and their stories have also been translated into paintings. Greatly influenced by Li Gonglin's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals, people in China have the tendency to create similar scroll paintings, using contour drawing tools. Meanwhile, in Korea, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated both as a type of visual art embodying the Drunken Immortals' taste for the arts and as a meaningful object conveying the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. According to historical records, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals from the Ming Dynasty were drawn on eight-fold folding screens using a sophisticated ink wash painting technique. In the meantime, the Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals appreciated by King Jeongjo from the Joseon Dynasty was a colored landscape painting with small human figures on an eight-fold folding screen. Since the recent discovery of Yi Han-cheol's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals on an eight-fold folding screen, it has now become possible to imagine how renowned artists such as Kim Hong-do and Kim Yang-gi would have made the narrative figure paintings. In particular, the story of Li Bai, one of the Eight Immortals, was the most famous one often told in the paintings. After the 19th century, there was even an entire panel of narrative folding screen made about Li Bai. As painting manuals and outline drawings were pervasively used, the narrative paintings on Li Bai were mass-produced among commoners. As you can see from this, the Eight Drunken Immortals have been visually represented as thirsty souls who are not disconnected from the world, as honest men of refined taste for the arts, and as protagonists of an object that conveys the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. In other words, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals embody multiple undertones: as paintings based on Du Fu's poems and as narrative paintings on the Eight Immortals.
Most of Korea's Kyungmaedorock(auction book: 競賣圖錄) and pictorial record of exhibitions in the modern times were usually published in the 1930s. Although 1930s were periods of the Great Depression when economic slump continued because of the aftereffect of the slump in the stocks issued by the US in 1929, during this period, Japan began regular continental invasion starting from invasion of the northeastern area of China. To curio dealers, the 1930s were 'boom period of curio transaction' and in urban cultural aspects, the period is evaluated as the one when the first step of modernism was formed. Collection, photo-printing and arrangement of the data related to modern exhibitions including the Auction Book being published at that time are very important because they enable us to know characteristics of fine arts in the transition period from paintings & writings to fine arts in addition to enabling us to revert the circulation history of our paintings & writings and curios. Furthermore, these data will become important data for reconstitution of the circulation history of the Eastern Asia's modern art works. Although the pictorial record of Joseon's Exhibitions of Chinaware and Wooden Works(朝鮮陶磁木工展) is a small and thin one, it records our country's high level chinaware and wooden works. Although we can't know the exact time for 'Joseon's exhibitions of chinaware and wooden works', they are assumed to have been held in Tokyo, Japan in the 1930s and there seems to have been sale of works, too. As such, studies of the books such as the auction book and exhibitions under Japanese imperialism have the first importance in the fact that through which we can examine the course of outflow of our art works to Japan. Furthermore, they can be studies of art-sociology that examine flow and phase of recognition and taste of art works of those days. And from now on, comparative studies of auctions and exhibitions being held in Japan such as Tokyo, Osaka and etc. as well as art markets in Seoul during modern times would also be necessary.
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