• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.27-48
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• 2005

This study investigates the current preservation and management of four records and documentary heritage in Korea that is in the UNESCO's Memory of the World Register. The study analyzes their problems and corresponding solutions in digitizing those world records heritages. This study also reviews additional four documentary books in Korea that are in the wish list to add to UNESCO's Memory of the World Register. This study is organized as the following: Chapter 2 examines the value and meanings of world records and documentary heritage in Korea. The registry requirements and procedures of UNESCO's Memory of the World Register are examined. The currently registered records of Korea include Hunmin-Chongum, the Annals of the Choson Dynasty, the Diaries of the Royal Secretariat (Seungjeongwon Ilgi), and Buljo- Jikji-Simche-Yojeol (vol. II). These records heritage's worth and significance are carefully analyzed. For example, Hunmin-Chongum("訓民正音") is consisted of unique and systematic letters. Letters were delicately explained with examples in its original manual at the time of letter's creation, which is an unparalleled case in the world documentary history. The Annals of the Choson Dynasty("朝鮮王朝實錄") are the most comprehensive historic documents that contain the longest period of time in history. Their truthfulness and reliability in describing history give credits to the annals. The Royal Secretariat Diary (called Seungjeongwon-Ilgi("承政院日記")) is the most voluminous primary resources in history, superior to the Annals of Choson Dynasty and Twenty Five Histories in China. Jikji("直指") is the oldest existing book published by movable metal print sets in the world. It evidences the beginning of metal printing in the world printing history and is worthy of being as world heritage. The review of the four registered records confirms that they are valuable world documentary heritage that transfers culture of mankind to next generations and should be preserved carefully and safely without deterioration or loss. Chapter 3 investigates the current status of preservation and management of three repositories that store the four registered records in Korea. The repositories include Kyujanggak Archives in Seoul National University, Pusan Records and Information Center of National Records and Archives Service, and Gansong Art Museum. The quality of their preservation and management are excellent in all of three institutions by the following aspects: 1) detailed security measures are close to perfection 2) archiving practices are very careful by using a special stack room in steady temperature and humidity and depositing it in stack or archival box made of paulownia tree and 3) fire prevention, lighting, and fumigation are thoroughly prepared. Chapter 4 summarizes the status quo of digitization projects of records heritage in Korea. The most important issue related to digitization and database construction on Korean records heritage is likely to set up the standardization of digitization processes and facilities. It is urgently necessary to develop comprehensive standard systems for digitization. Two institutions are closely interested in these tasks: 1) the National Records and Archives Service experienced in developing government records management systems; and 2) the Cultural Heritage Administration interested in digitization of Korean old documents. In collaboration of these two institutions, a new standard system will be designed for digitizing records heritage on Korean Studies. Chapter 5 deals with additional Korean records heritage in the wish list for UNESCO's Memory of the World Register, including: 1) Wooden Printing Blocks(經板) of Koryo-Taejangkyong(高麗大藏經) in Haein Temple(海印寺); 2) Dongui-Bogam("東醫寶鑑") 3) Samguk-Yusa("三國遺事") and 4) Mugujeonggwangdaedaranigyeong. Their world value and importance are examined as followings. Wooden Printing Blocks of Koryo-Taejangkyong in Haein Temple is the worldly oldest wooden printing block of cannon of Buddhism that still exist and was created over 750 years ago. It needs a special conservation treatment to disinfect germs residing in surface and inside of wooden plates. Otherwise, it may be damaged seriously. For its effective conservation and preservation, we hope that UNESCO and Government will schedule special care and budget and join the list of Memory of the Word Register. Dongui-Bogam is the most comprehensive and well-written medical book in the Korean history, summarizing all medical books in Korea and China from the Ancient Times through the early 17th century and concentrating on Korean herb medicine and prescriptions. It is proved as the best clinical guidebook in the 17th century for doctors and practitioners to easily use. The book was also published in China and Japan in the 18th century and greatly influenced the development of practical clinic and medical research in Asia at that time. This is why Dongui Bogam is in the wish list to register to the Memory of the World. Samguk-Yusa is evaluated as one of the most comprehensive history books and treasure sources in Korea, which illustrates foundations of Korean people and covers histories and cultures of ancient Korean peninsula and nearby countries. The book contains the oldest fixed form verse, called Hyang-Ka(鄕歌), and became the origin of Korean literature. In particular, the section of Gi-ee(紀異篇) describes the historical processes of dynasty transition from the first dynasty Gochosun(古朝鮮) to Goguryeo(高句麗) and illustrates the identity of Korean people from its historical origin. This book is worthy of adding to the Memory of the World Register. Mugujeonggwangdaedaranigyeong is the oldest book printed by wooden type plates, and it is estimated to print in between 706 and 751. It contains several reasons and evidence to be worthy of adding to the list of the Memory of the World. It is the greatest documentary heritage that represents the first wooden printing book that still exists in the world as well as illustrates the history of wooden printing in Korea.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.11
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• pp.151-166
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• 1969

I. Fffects of nitrogen supplying level and culture condition on the top growth aod tubers formation of Ipomoea Batatas. 1) The low level nitrogen (A plot) 3 Milliequivalent per liter of nutrient solution stimulated tuber formation while the high level nitrogen ($B_1\;and\;B_2$ plot) of 10 milliequivalent per liter failed to form tuber though fibrous roots were seen much activated. The suppressive effect of nitrogen on tuber formation in presumed to result from the direct suppressive effect of nitrogen or a certain biocatalystic effect rather than from any indirect effect through the stimulation to growth of tops or the competition with carbohydrates. 2) The addition of milligram urea to nutrient solution stimulated the growth and increased fresh weight and dry weight of the aerial part while suppressed, a little, plant length. 3) The water culture method, which this experiment newly adopted, stimulated plant growth more than the gravel Culture method. And the treatment of low level nitrogen (A plot) in this water culture also saw a considerable degree of tuber formation, as in the case of gravel culture. 4) The foliar application of growth retardant B-nine suppressed the plant length only, with no other recognizable effect. II. Fffects of urea supplying level on the growth of IPOMOEA BATATAS. 1) The higher level of urea which was absorbed tby roots through nutrient solution suppressed top growth, such as plant length, number of leaves and fresh weight. And this can be attributed to the direct absorption of urea which was not ammonificated. 2) Although the higher level of nitrate nitrogen (B plot) made no tuber formation in previous experiment (Report-1), the higher level of urea nitrogen (A plot) made tuber formation possible in this experiment. The ratio of tuber to top was, however, less in higher level of urea than in lower level of urea, and the suppressing effect was larger on tuber than on top. 3) The foliar application of urea stimulated top growth while the higher level of urea absorbed by roots suppressed it, though the amounts of urea supplied in two experiments were same. Ratio of top to roots was larger in foliar application of urea (C plot) and less in root absorption of urea both of higher (B plot) and lower urea levels (A plot). III. Fffects of growth retardant etc. on the growth of IPOMOEA BATATAS in relation to urea application. 1) B-nine (N-dimethyl amino-succinamic acid) is recognized as a growth retardant, suppressed the plant length irrespective of urea levels. The treatment of gibberellin stimulated distinctly plant length, and the combined treatment of gibberellin and B-nine recovered completely the plant length which had been suppressed by B-nine. 2) B-nine increased fresh weight, especially, fresh weight of top both in lower and higher level of The degree of fresh weight increase varied according to concentrations of B-nine, of which the 0.15% of B-nine ($B_1$ plot) was the effective in higher level of urea. The effect of B-nine for increasing fresh weight was the largest in top next in tuber, and the least in fibrous roots. The ratio of fibrous roots to top was always decreased by B-nine application, which the ratio of tuber to top was contrary increased by B-nine in higher level of urea though decreased in lower level of urea. 3) Gibberellin treatment also increased fresh weight but the combined treatment ($B_3$+GA plot) of gibberellin and B-nine was even more effective than any of single treatments. Gibberellin and B-nine proved to be synergistic with fresh weight while reverse with plant length. 4) Considerable influences were abserved mainly in the length of plants and their fresh weight after B-nine treatment. So that B-nine may be reguraded as a metabolic controller rather than as an antimetabolite. 5) The surpressed growth of plants cause by higher level of urea was normalized by B-nine treatment. This fact suggested a further study on the applicability for practical use.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.5-37
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• 1982

Plywood used for construction as a decorative inner material is inflammable to bring large fire accidents and burn out human life and their properties. To diminish the fire disaster, fire retardant plywood has been required indeed. In the methods of manufacturing the fire retardant plywood the soaking method is occasionally used. However after soaking plywood into fire retardant chemical solutions, redrying of soaked plywood is the most important. In this study, 3.5mm thin and 5.0mm thick plywoods were selected for fire retardant treatment. Treating solutions were prepared for 20% dilute solutions of ammonium sulfate, monoammonium phosphate, diammonium phosphate, borax-boric acid and minalith, and water solution. 1-, 3-, 6-, and 9 hour-soaking treatments were applied and after treatments hot plate drying was applied to those treated plywoods at $90^{\circ}C$, $120^{\circ}C$ and $150^{\circ}C$, of press temperature. Drying rates, drying curves, water absorption rates of fire retardant chemicals, weight per volume and fire retardant degree of plywood were investigated. The results may be summarized as follows: 1. The plywoods treated with ammonium sulfate, monoammonium phosphate and diammonium phosphate and diammonium phosphate showed increase of chemical absorption rate with proportion to increase of treating time, but not in case of the plywood treated with borax-boric acid and minalith. 2. In the treatment of definite time, the absorption rate per unit of volume of plywood showed higher in thin plywood (thickness of 3.5mm) than in thick plywood (thickness of 5.0mm). In both thin and thick plywoods, the highest absorption rate was observed in 9 hour-treatment of ammonium sulfate. The value was 1.353kg/$(30cm)^3$ in thin plywood and 1.356kg/$(30cm)^3$ in thick plywood. 3. The volume per weight of plywood after chemical treatment increased remarkably and. after hot plate drying, the values were to a little extent higher than before chemical treatment. 4. The swelling rates of thickness in chemical-treated plywoods increased similarly with that of water-treated plywood in 1- and 3 hour-treatment of both thin and thick plywoods. But in 6- and 9 hour-treatment, the greater increased value showed in water-treated ply wood than any other chemical, especially in thick plywood. 5. The shrinkage rates after hot plate drying showed the same tendency as the swelling rate, and the rate showed the increasing tendency with proportion to increase of treating time in thick plywood of both chemical and water treatments. 6. Among drying curves, the curves of water-treated plywood placed more highly than chemical-treated plywood without-relation to thickness in 6- and 9 hour-treatment except in 1- and 3 hour-treatment. 7. The drying rate related to thickness of treated plywood, was twice above in thin plywood compared with thick plywood. 8. The drying rate remarkably increased with proportion to increase of the plate temperature and, the values were respectively 1.226%/min., 6.540%/min., 25.752%/min. in hot plate temperature of $90^{\circ}C$, $120^{\circ}C$, $150^{\circ}C$ in thin plywood and 0.550%/min., 2.490%/min, 8.187%/min, in hot plate temperature of $90^{\circ}C$, $120^{\circ}C$, $150^{\circ}C$ in thick plywood. 9. In the treatment at $120^{\circ}C$ of hot plate temperature, the drying rates of chemical-treated plywood showed the highest value in monoammonium phosphate of thin plywood and in diammonium phosphate of thick plywood. But the drying rate of water-treated plywood was highest in 6- and 9 hour-treatment. 10. The fire retardant degree of chemical-treated plywood was higher than that of the untreated plywood as shown in loss of weight, burning time, flame-exhausted time and carbonized area. 11. The fire-retardant effect among fire retardant chemicals were the greatest in diammonium phosphate, the next were in monoammonium phosphate and ammonium sulfate, and the weakest were in borax-boric and minalith.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.277-313
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• 2017

This study is to find out the correlation with buddhist music after analyzing the rhythm of six pieces of PanYeombul sung by Kim Janggil out of Ogu exorcism of East coast the findings summarized are as follows. First, PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, performed on Oct, 16, 2016, was composed of , , , , , , , , , , and . Still, even if PanYeombul is performed by the same male shaman, the composition can be added or left out depending on some circumstances, which means the procedures are flexible. Seeing that there is common component of in additoin to compared with Kimyongtaek, it can be said that the component of is an important part in PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast Second, is usually referred to 'SinmyojangguDaedalani' in buddhist ritual, While Kim yongtaek accepts this practice in title, Kim Janggil uses 'YeomhwajangguDaedalani' as the title which makes his song different from others. Yeomhwa means "picking up flowers with fingers" which has been used in buddhism, not in common Considering this fact, the conclusion can be reached that by using the term 'Daedalani' from a buddhist chant, but making differentiation from buddhism, Kim Janggil is making the effort to be different from buddhist rituals. give some unique meaning to shaman rituals. Third, PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast may be divided into two main parts - the former part is PanYeombul and the latter part is Jiokga. In performing PanYeombul, male shaman sits singing alone and playing Jing himself, on the other hand, in case of Jiokga, he stands singing a solo with gwaeggwari in his hand accompanied by other musicians with the rhythm of Samgongjaebi. As the song and the accompaniment are in the form of giving and taking like duet. it is in peak in terms of music. Accordingly, PanYeombul can be divided into PanYeombul and Jiokga, But since it is performed by one male shaman and sung a solo, it is usually seen as one procedure. Jing, which is a kind of accompaniment in PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, has the role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph. When the buddhist chant with one word-one note is performed. it requires the performer to catch his or her breath or clear throat. Just then, Jing comes out for filling out the intervals. Also, its role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph helps make it clear to deliver words. The rhythm of Jing is mostly made up of small triple time except equal small binary time, comes out with overwhelmingly more frequency of Sutsoe(♪♩) than Amsoe(♩♪), and often shows syncopation. By often using Off Beat or short-long rhythm even in accompaniment of equal small binary time, he tris to give some variation to monotonous and equal rhythm for the musical vitality. These are similar to Sutsoe rhythm which can evoke tension and Kim Janggil makes these things his characierisiic of rhythm. Fifth, all the pieces consist of mi, sol, la, do, re and the descending melody like do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi appears most frequently. The descending melody usually arouses the feeling of sorrow, so the sadness for the deceased is presented properly, which suggests his musical talent. Generally, pieces take on Menari-tori as a whole where the length of sol appears for a short time in descending la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi of perfect four degrees. Sixth, Even he accepts the lines of buddhist chant, he changes them in some degree. For example, he inserted some words between lines like 'Wonwangsaeng' and 'NamuAmitabul' and added Korean words like hapsosa to the lines of buddhist service written in Chinese character. Also, he inserted some words like 'iiiiiii~' to express the feeling of sadness. These are to maximize the desire of the deceased to go to the heaven and at the same time to diminish the sign of buddhism and strengthen the features of shamanism. Seventh, the effort to decrease the sign of buddhism is made in pasting lines of two songs. For example, Between the last words 'Wonsuaenapsu of Dage and the first words 'Jisimgwimyeongrye' of Chiljeongrye, there is usually a short pause to distinguish paragraphs, But he continues two songs without any pause to get rid of the feelings of buddhist chant. In terms of melody, he makes a distance from buddhist chant in an effort that he gives some traits to shaman rituals which are different from buddhist even if he uses the lines of buddhist rituals. Eighth, the analyzed pieces can be in four categories - no regular melody , , equal small binary time , eotmori melody of ten eighth time with 3+2+3+2 mixed small time . and Samgongjaebi melody 3+2+3 mixed small time . Each piece has its unique melody. Although of buddhist ritual is often performed, by using eotmori melody, he evokes the feeling of shaman and is another example of giving unique characteristic to the shaman of East coast by using Samgongjaebi melody.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.43-59
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• 2008

Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.186-205
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• 2013

${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.89-122
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• 2019

In this paper, I argue that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers by Jeong Su-yeong (1743~1831, pseudonym: Jiwujae) is a record of his private journeys to several places on the outskirts of Hanyang (present-day Seoul) and that it successfully embodies the painter's subjective perspective while boating on these rivers and going on outings to nearby mountains. Around 1796, Jeong Su-yeong traveled to different places and documented his travels in this 16-meter-long handscroll. Several leaves of paper, each of which depicts a separate landscape, are pieced together to create this long handscroll. This indicates that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers reflected the painter's personal subjective experiences as he went along his journey rather than simply depicts travel destinations. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers features two types of travel: boating and mountain outings on foot. Traveling by boat takes up a large portion of the handscroll, which illustrates the channels of the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers. Mountain outings correspond to the sections describing the regions around Bukhansan, Gwanaksan, and Dobongsan Mountains. Jeong Su-yeong traveled to this wide span of places not just once, but several times. The fact that the Hangang River system are not presented in accordance with their actual locations shows that they were illustrated at different points. After visiting the riversides of the Hangang and Namhangang Rivers twice, Jeong Su-yeong delineated them in fourteen scenes. Among them, the first eight illustrate Jeong's initial trip by boat, while the other six scenes are vistas from his second trip. These fourteen scenes occupy half of this handscroll, indicating that the regions near the Hangang River are painted most frequently. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's first boating trip to the system of the Hangang River portray the landscapes that he personally witnessed rather than famous scenes. Some of the eight scenic views of Yeoju, including Yongmunsan Mountain, Cheongsimru Pavilion, and Silleuksa Temple, are included in this handscroll. However, Jeong noted spots that were not often painted and depicted them using an eye-level perspective uncommon for illustrating famous scenic locations. The scenes of Jeong's second boating trip include his friend's villa and a meeting with companions. Moreover, Cheongsimru Pavilion and Silleuksa Temple, which are depicted in the first boating trip, are illustrated again from different perspectives and in unique compositions. Jeong Su-yeong examined the same locations several times from different angles. A sense of realism is demonstrated in the scenes of Jeong's first and second boating trips to the channels of the Hangang River, which depict actual roads. Furthermore, viewers can easily follow the level gaze of Jeong from the boat. The scenes depicting the Imjingang River begin from spots near the Yeongpyeongcheon and Hantangang Rivers and end with places along the waterways of the Imjingang River. Here, diverse perspectives were applied, which is characteristic of Imjingang River scenes. Jeong Su-yeong employed a bird's-eye perspective to illustrate the flow of a waterway starting from the Yeongpyeongcheon River. He also used an eye-level perspective to highlight the rocks of Baegundam Pool. Thus, depending on what he wished to emphasize, Jeong applied different perspectives. Hwajeogyeon Pond located by the Hantangang River is illustrated from a bird's-eye perspective to present a panoramic view of the surroundings and rocks. Similarly, the scenery around Uhwajeong Pavilion by the Imjingang River are depicted from the same perspective. A worm's-eye view was selected for Samseongdae Cliff in Tosangun in the upper regions of the Imjingang River and for Nakhwaam Rock. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's mountain outings include pavilions and small temple mainly. In the case of Jaeganjeong Pavilion on Bukhansan Mountain, its actual location remains unidentified since the pavilion did not lead to the route of the boating trip to the system of the Hangang River and was separately depicted from other trips to the mountains. I speculate that Jaeganjeong Pavilion refers to a pavilion either in one of the nine valleys in Wooyi-dong at the foot of Bukhansan Mountain or in Songajang Villa. Since these two pavilions are situated in the valleys of Bukhansan Mountain, their descriptions in written texts are similar. As for Gwanaksan Mountain, Chwihyangjeong and Ilganjeong Pavilions as well as Geomjisan Mountain in the Bukhansan Mountain range are depicted. Ilganjeong Pavilion was a well-known site on Gwanaksan that belonged to Shin Wi. In this handscroll, however, Jeong Su-yeong recorded objective geographic information on the pavilion rather than relating it to Shin Wi. "Chwihyangjeong Pavilion" is presented within the walls, while "Geomjisan Mountain" is illustrated outside the walls. Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers also includes two small temples, Mangwolam and Okcheonam, on Dobongsan Mountain. The actual locations of these are unknown today. Nevertheless, Gungojip (Anthology of Gungo) by Yim Cheonsang relates that they were sited on Dobongsan Mountain. Compared to other painters who stressed Dobong Seowon (a private Confucian academy) and Manjangbong Peak when depicting Dobongsan Mountain, Jeong Su-yeong highlighted these two small temples. Jeong placed Yeongsanjeon Hall and Cheonbong Stele in "Mangwolam small temple" and Daeungjeon Hall in front of "Okcheonam small temple." In addition to the buildings of the small temple, Jeong drew the peaks of Dobongsan Mountain without inscribing their names, which indicates that he intended the Dobongsan peaks as a background for the scenery. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers is of great significance in that it embodies Jeong Su-yeong's personal perceptions of scenic spots on the outskirts of Hanyang and records his trips to these places.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.87-104
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• 2020

Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.