• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.294-300
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• 2010

With the development of media technology, UCC actively working through the medium of the Net, the Internet space, which can influence politics instead of TV is drawing attention as the new leading media. As the one-sided media influence of TV is dwindling in the times of the Internet, the hegemony of the media is rapidly changing into UCC marked by two-way interaction. Especially, UCC has the characteristic that it has changed the people performing a role as the receptor of the media into the agent of enormous political influence as well as the freshness specific to its contents. This study was intended to investigate the types of diverse political influences of UCC in political practice as well as daily politics with a focus on the fact that it can newly project the world led by the media and their changes and exercise strong power in changing the society. Therefore, it attempted to investigate the political influence and ripple effect that UCC can exert by attempting to analyze what political influence UCC can exercise at diverse political situations including election. As a result, UCC led to four situations such as incentive-exploding type, issue-leading type, dispersion-switching type, direction-obeying type. This can be said to lead to the positive effect at the political field, such as implementing direct democracy through digital technology.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.307-344
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• 2014

Political parties would normally claim that their campaign and communication materials have effects on voters, be it on their supporters or their opponents during election campaigns. However, such effects are assumed effects by the parties unless voters are themselves assessed about the effects of such materials on themselves. The supporters of the parties are likely to regard such campaign materials as congenial to them but this may not be so with the opposition supporters who would regard such materials as negative. Taking the third-person effect to analyze effects on the audience as the theoretical framework, this study posited that opposition members would regard the materials as negative and thus would claim that they would not have any effect on them but they would likely say that such campaign materials would have effects on own party supporters. Davison (1983) posited that individuals will perceive that negative mediated messages would have their greatest impact not "on me" or "you" but on "them,"- the third person. Research suggests that people judge others to be more influenced than they are by media, advertising, libelous messages, media violence, pornography, and television drama. The theory referred to as the Third-person effect developed on the postulation that audience members would not admit that media had any direct effect on them, but would instead believe that the media influenced others, the third person (Tewksbury, Moy, & Weis, 2004; Price, Tewksbury, & Huang, 1998). On the other hand, while people would discount the effects of negative or biased messages on themselves, they would, under the notion of the First Person Effect, readily admit to being influenced by such messages. This study was based on studying the effects of political literature on party and opposition party supporters taking the messages to be positive to one group and biased and partisan to another group. The study focuses on the assumed effects of political literature on own party and opposition party supporters. It traces the degree of influence of Malaysia's largest political party, Barisan Nasional (BN) political communication literature on its own supporters and on non-BN party supporters. While the third-person effect assumes a null or minimal effect on one's self and some or strong effect on others, the question that arises are on welcoming favorable media effects on oneself and assuming unfavorable effects on others.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.179-190
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• 2015

The current movie world is called the era of faction hot-wind by the continuous hits of faction films. The interpretation of the missing 15 days in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty during Gwang-hae's reign based on one sentence in the record makes 'faction' that there was another king, drives audiences to absorption and imagination in the faction film < Gwang-hae: The Man Who Became King >. Furthermore, this film redefined historical king Gwang-hae as an ambivalent image through Gwang-hae and Ha-sun who filled the role as the king in it. Also, this film was appraised by reviews of reinterpretation of the image of leader who people want and hit success when the film released before the season of the presidential election. This thesis considers 'Faction' which is marked as a new image content and analyzes the film < Gwang-hae: The Man Who Became King > which is listed as Korea's all-time sixth highest grossing film with 12,323,555 tickets sold nationwide by three sections; < Gwang-hae: The Man Who Became King > as faction film, two images of Gwang-hae, and the appropriateness of film release time. In conclusion, the film < Gwang-hae: The Man Who Became King >. succeeded since it communicated with people to satisfy their wishes and taste. It would be necessary to study and analyze the basic connection between the trend of movies and Strategic elements of the box-office results, and a significant stride for progression of the movies.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.5
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• pp.651-666
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• 2013

The objective of this study is to introduce the characteristics and establishing process of national regional policy for the sunbelt developmentr initiative of the southern coastal area in Korea. Discussion on the development of southern coastal area of Korea with some members of the Korea Society of Future Studies began in the early 1990s, and its discussion was continued with the activities by the Committee on Regional Unity of the Grand National Party and Namhaean Forum. The sunbelt development initiative was selected as one of the major commitments of the Grand National Party in the 17th presidential election of Korea. Since the launching of the Lee Myung-bak government, the Presidential Committee on Balanced National Development made a comprehensive plan for sunbelt development of southern coastal area(CPSD), and this plan was confirmed by central governmental planning in May 2010. CPSD is meaningful in terms of the fir first national regional planning and legal plan in Korea. The target year of CPSD is 2020, and some projects by CPSD started in 2010. However, there are many negative views that CPSD will not be going too well. Therefore, new efforts and roles of geographers who participated in the process of planning of CPSD are required for the success of CPSD.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.32
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• pp.45-78
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• 2012

The significance of Presidential Impeachment in 2004 is subject to interpretations in many different contexts, but its nature as its justice was the constitutional trial by the nation's impeachment system. This study set out to compare and analyze the understanding of the event centered around its nature as "an impeachment event as a public activity" and the records related to it. For that purpose, the study attempted to analyze the impeachment event to understand it as a public activity and examined and analyzed the records of the impeachment event in the public domain through personal visit, phone interview, and request of information disclosure based on the analysis results. An impeachment event as a public activity can be understood as an activity carried out by the National Assembly, which is to issue a motion for impeachment under the norms of the nation's impeachment system, and Constitutional Court, which is responsible for impeachment trial, through their unique rights prescribed in the Constitution. The important subjects of such a public activity included the accused president, the acting presidential system created by the motion for impeachment, and the National Election Commission that provided a decisive ground for impeachment. It was confirmed that the records, which are legal requirements, were well created and have been preserved and managed in the public domain. However, it was difficult to conclude that the records of the impeachment event were thoroughly created in terms of content in relation to affairs as they mainly covered the superficial treatment processes and the results of explicit activities. There was, in particular, the absence of records showing the context of activity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.216-239
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• 2021

Inlay (入絲), a poetic technique of digging grooves in the surface of crafts and decorating them with metal materials, was used throughout the royal daily routines, ceremonies and government officials of the Joseon Dynasty. The government-owned handicraft industry in the Joseon Dynasty was composed of craftsmen belonging to central and local government offices and was operated mainly by government-owned craftsmen. The inlay craftsman was transferred to the central government office and was in charge of inlay poetry for crafts. The current records of Korean inlay craftsmen are concentrated in the state-owned handicraft industry. In the state-owned handicraft industry, the government offices of inlay craftsmen can be divided into Kongjo (工造), Sangeuiwon (尙衣院), and the military. Here the election of a temporary government office for airspace is added. The government offices and military inlay craftsmen who use inlay crafts are assigned, and the inlay craftsmen are placed separately in the temporary office where the fine division of labor is developed. It can be made by utilizing craftsmen. The operation of these production systems was indispensable in pre-modern Korean society, where crafts had to be produced by hand. In this paper, we investigated the roles and job types of craftsmen in the state-owned handicraft industry during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on inlay craftsmen. Although the details applied to the characteristics and materials of the field, labor supply and demand, etc. are different, Korea pursued crafts for various purposes through craftsmanship within the framework of the basic state-owned handicraft policy . The institutional equipment for implementation was almost common. We believe that adding and analyzing some literature records and relics will help us to study the crafts of the Joseon era in more detail.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.267-277
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• 2017

One of fundamental problems in developing robust distributed services is how to achieve distributed consensus agreeing some data values that should be shared among participants in a distributed service. As one of algorithms for distributed consensus, Raft is known as a simple and understandable algorithm by decomposing the distributed consensus problem into three subproblems(leader election, log replication and safety). But, the algorithm dose not mention any types of dynamic configuration of participant peers such as adding new peers to a consensus group or deleting peers from the group. In this paper, we present a new consensus algorithm named Raft-D, which supports the dynamic configuration of participant peers by extending the Raft algorithm. For this, Raft-D manages the additional information maintained by participant nodes, and provides a technique to check the connection status of the nodes belonging to the consensus group. Based on the technique, Raft-D defines conditions and states to deal with adding new peers to the consensus group or deleting peers from the group. Based on those conditions and states, Raft-D performs the dynamic configuration process for a consensus group through the log update mechanism of the Raft algorithm.