• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.429-436
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• 2015

This study describes the humanistic perspective inherent in Korean Buddhism. It is based on a narrative of the establishment of Haeinsa Temple, which is one of the three major Korean traditional temples, and represents the heritage of Korean Buddhism. With this narrative, we developed and implemented mobile content for Android devices titled "Treasures from the Palace of the Dragon King". Its scenario, which is a folktale of the establishment of the Haeinsa Temple, was created using A.J. Greimas' Actantial model as the research method. As a result, the content developed by the reconstruction of the scenario consists of mini-games and animations offering an intuitive user experience (UX), which is implemented in a compound E-BOOK for mobile devices. We aim to promote Korea's traditional culture throughout the world, using this content as a starting point for the future.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.9
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• pp.240-247
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• 2018

In this paper, we implement a digital content that visualizes 33 Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva according to the wishes of the public. The 33 Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva is described in the Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva tale that is found in the ancient literature "Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms" as Tangible Cultural Heritage. Also, it is easily found in a wall painting of traditional Buddhist temples. The 33 Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva is the saint of mercy that transforms into 33 various forms according to the wishes of the public. The Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva tales deal with differences in the types of wishes of the public, and the tales have been speeded like wildfire among the people. So, in this paper, we classify them into 4 groups by the wishes (healing, security, academic achievement, disaster relief) of the public, and then analyze its symbolism and activity of the 33 Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva. Also, we implement a 2D digital content that represents visually it according to the wishes of the public. Applications of the implemented visual content are as follows; development of character, game, and digital storytelling associated with traditional culture, education service for Buddhist doctrines, etc.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.127-135
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• 2017

So far, it has been a general opinion that 'Hunminjeongeum' creation was made only by King Sejong himself under Jiphyeonjeon scholars' help. However, this paper stresses that 'Hunminjeongeum' was made not only by King Sejong but also by Sinmi's positive effort on King Sejong's secret order, and examines the possibility of the culture-convergence contents related to these tales as well. To reveal the ground, the method of this research was proceeded particularly focusing on following texts: Sejongsillok, Munjongsillok, Hangukbulgyojeonseo, etc. The result was as followings. 1) King Sejong's absolute trust in Sinmi, 2) Sinmi's outstanding linguistic talent in Sanskrit. 3) King Sejong's donation of Amitaba-Triad Buddha images to Bokcheonsa Temple and Sejong's granting a respecting title of 'Wugukise Hyeogakjonja' to Sinmi. 4) Sinmi's vow to educate and spread 'Hunminjeongeum' based on Buddhism, and 5) Sejo's visit Sinmi at Bokcheonsa Temple. Furthermore, if the tales related to 'Hunminjeongeum' creation are activated into a type of national or regional events or festivals without remaining simply in a story level, it would be a good way to spread the excellence of convergence K-culture with various culture contents.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.141-170
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• 2017

In this paper, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those which appear in Daesoon Thought. Specifically, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko (震黙祖師遺蹟攷, A Study on the Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk) and those from the Jeongyeong (典經), and then study the differences between the two sources. In chapter two, I approach Jinmuk's thought as conveyed in the Jinmukjosayujeokko by examining four points. The first point is that Jinmuk is a transformation-body (an incarnation) of Sakyamuni (釋迦牟尼) Buddha. In the preface of the Jinmukjosayujeokko, Choui (艸衣) says that Jinmuk is a transformation-body of Sakyamuni Buddha. The second point is the spirit of unobstructed action (無礙行), the third point is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between meditative and doctrinal approaches (禪敎一致), and the fourth is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between Confucianism and Buddhism (儒佛一致). In chapter three, I study on the viewpoints which can be derived from Jinmuk tales in Daesoon Thought, and compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong. The Jinmuk tales from the Jeongyeong can be characterized by the Daesoon concepts 'Cheonji Gongsa (天地公事, The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth)' and 'Haewon Sangsang (解冤相生, The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficience)'. This is the key difference between the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those from Daesoon Thought. If I compare the common subject matter of the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosa yujeokko and the Jeongyeong, the Jinmuk tales from these two sources likewise contain differences. Why do these differences occur? I will explain these differences based on Mircea Eliade's approach to mythology. Eliadian theory posits that myths contain the desires of those who deliver the myths. If I explain the difference between the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong based on Eliade's theory, Buddhism has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect Buddhist values, whereas Daesoon Thought has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect the values of Daesoon Thought. As Korean Buddhism and Daesoon Thought promote different values, they thereby have different Jinmuk tales.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.37
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• pp.217-252
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• 2018

In the [Samguk sagi], is the origin story of , a Pansori novel from the late Joseon period. is derived from an Indian folktale. This article examines the narrative changes from the Indian folktale. Through this, I attempt to examine how the short fable developed into a fascinating story with numerous variants like . The five kinds of stories that I have observed all indicate the development of a common narrative. They also have a common character: terrestrial animals, deputy, and aquatic animals. However, in the original story, the more the character is brought up, the greater the persuasiveness of the action. In addition, the scale of the conflict expands due to the reorganization of the incident. Moreover, the theme of the narrative has diversified by utilizing the space as a contrast. Discussions reveal that a single story or storyteller does not create a fascinating story. The implication being that several narratives and numerous people together make the narrative changes.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.34
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• pp.172-195
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• 2001

This research on the house folklore in China, Korea, and Japan is focusing on a kitchen God that is common in these three countries. This god originated in China and has subsequently influenced Korea and Japan. Today, all three countries use the same name of this kitchen god which is called Youngwang(竈王) as its name has been spelled in Chinese. In China, this kitchen god has been believed in two different ways. The Han people have developed their belief in Youngwang while another creed has been originated from other ethnic groups. Because of the particular house style with upper stories of ethnic groups in the southern and southeast areas of China, a kitchen fireplace is centered in the house. Han people in China also worship painted depictions of kitchen gods. And the ethnic groups believe it has three stone legs for a fire box. These differing beliefs has bad influenced on Korea and Japan. The kitchen god of Cheju island (off the south Korea coast) is believed to be almost the same as among the ethnic groups in China Interestingly, form of belief in the kitchen god in Okinawa (off the south coast of Japan) is almost identical as in the southern area of China Custom in China. Korea, and Japan regarding the kitchen god symbolized family values healing, initiating a new daughter-in-law to reveging the kitchen god, etc. are all the very similar. A fireplace and its fire are very important and, have many taboo, attached. Existing rich tales of kitchen gods are similar in the three countries. Moreover, people in the three countries, think that the clay or time plaster of the fireplace with bring good luck on New Year's eve. However, Korea kitchen god features one thing that is different from those China and Japan, that is that water symbolizes the kitchen god in Korea. A painted kitchen god as they are popular in China, has influenced only some Buddhist temples in Korea.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.123-152
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• 2023

This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.91-106
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• 2018

During the Old Uighur period, many works were translated into Old Uighur under the influence of Buddhism. Among these works, literary works such as $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$ hold an important place. These works were usually translated from Pali to Sanskrit, from Sanskrit to Sogdian, Tocharian and Chinese, and to Old Uighur from these languages. These works which were added to the Old Uighur repertoire by translation indicate that different peoples along the ancient Silk Road had deep linguistic interactions with one another. Aside from these works, other narratives that we have been so far unable to determine whether they were translations, adaptations or original works have also been discovered. The Tale of King Chashtana, which was found in the work titled $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$, is one of the tales we have been unable to classify as a translation or an original work. This tale has never been discovered with this title or this content in the languages of any of the peoples that were exposed to Buddhism along the Silk Road. On the other hand, the person whom the protagonist of this tale was named after has a very important place in the history of India, one of the countries that the Silk Road goes through. Saka Mahakshatrapa Chashtana (or Cashtana), a contemporary of Nahapana, declared himself king in Gujarat. A short time later, Chashtana, having invaded Ujjain and Maharashtra, established a powerful Saka kingdom in the west of India. His descendants reigned in the region for a long time. Another important fact about Chashtana is that coinage minted in his name was used all along the Silk Road. Chashtana, who became a significant historical figure in north western India, inspired the name of the protagonist of a tale in Old Uighur. That it is probable that the tale of King Chashtana is an original Old Uighur tale and not found in any other languages of the Silk Road brings some questions to mind: Who is Chashtana, the hero of the story? Is he related to the Saka king Chashtana in any way? What sort of influence did Chashtana have on the Silk Road and its languages? If this tale which we have never encountered in any other language of the Silk Road is indeed an original tale, why did the Old Uighurs use the name of an important Saka ruler? Is Saka-Uighur contact in question, given tales of this kind? What can we say about the historical and cultural geography of the Silk Road, given the fact that coinage was minted in his name and used along the Silk Road? In this study, I will attempt to answer these questions and share the information we have gleaned about Chashtana the hero of the tale and the Saka king Chashtana. One of the main aim of this study is to reveal the relationship between the narrative hero Chashtana and the Saka king Chashtana according to this information. Another aim of this study is to understand the history of the Saka, the Uighur and the Silk Road and to reveal the relationship between these three important subjects of history. The importance of the Silk Road will be emphasized again with the understanding of these relations. In this way, new information about Chashtana, who is an important name in the history of the India and the Silk Road, will be put forward. The history of the Sakas will be viewed from a different perspective through the Old Uighur Buddhist story.