• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.222-239
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• 2019

This paper studied Joseon royal incense, Buyonghyang, focusing on the case of Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe. Incense was introduced to Korea in the period of the Three States with Buddhist cultures. Buyonghyang is an incense that represented the royal family and was used in various rituals. Civilians also burned this incense in front of a bride's palanquin at a wedding ceremony. Buyonghyang had various uses-ceremonial uses, as a fragrance, to mothproof, and medical uses. Buyonghyang is a combined incense with ten different ingredients. This study tracked the supply and demand of the incense ingredients through Takjijunjeol, Sejong Shilok Jiriji, and The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty. This paper identified properties of the ingredients and studied recipes using ancient medical books-Jejungshinpyeon, Donguibogam, etc. Then the cooperation and treatment of incense by craftsman were examined using the records of The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, and Seungjeongwon Ilgi. The significance of Buyonghyang during the Joseon dynasty was studied by examining its use at a royal wedding ceremony. This study considered Sunjo's wedding ceremony based on Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe which is highly regarded as a well-organized system compared to other Uigwe. Buronghyang was burned during all of the ceremonies which took place in the palace. Conversely, it is considered that Buyonghyang was burned only during the Bisuchekui ceremony (investiture), which took place in the bride's place, according to the record of the mobilization of court ladies for various incense burners for the Bisuchekui ceremony. Since the incense was able to be used only after Bisuchekui, it is considered that only the royal family could use the incense, and it was a symbolic incense of the Joseon Royal Family.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.162-181
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• 2000

This paper investigates sixteen rock-cut arhat images of the Koryo period at Sungbul-sa (成佛寺) in Chunan (天安), South Chungchung Province. These images, together with a Buddha triad in the center, are carved in thin relief on the large granite wall ($375cm{\times}248cm$), and below them is engraved a huge lotus petal which looks to be supporting all the images above. According to extant textual sources, arhats were popularly worshipped in the Koryo period. The Painting of Five Hundred Arhat Images was brought to Koryo from Later Liang (後梁) of the Five Dynasties (五代) in 923. From that time on, the cult of arhat had become gradually known in Koryo. More than thirty ceremonies worshipping arhats (羅漢齊) were officially held in Koryo court. The Sixteen Arhat images (十六羅漢像) were enshrined in many temples. In Boje-sa (普濟寺), which kings and aristocrats often visited for ritual ceremonies, had its main hall dominated by the Five Hundred Arhats, called Nahan-pocheon (羅漢寶殿). However, a limited number of arhat images of the Koryo period, originally made as sets of sixteen or five hundred arhats, are now extant. The Sixteen Arhat images at Sungbul-sa are unique examples that show all sixteen images in situ. The Sixteen Arhat images, though some of them are abraded, show various postures and gesture. One of them sits with his knee bent, and one arhat is sitting on a chair with his hand held upward. Each image is carved in a niche, just as the arhat images of Northern Song China are normally represented in niches of a cave, and are quite similar in style to the arhat images of the Northern Song period at Qinglindong (靑林洞) cave, Feilaifeng (飛來峰), Zejiang province (浙江省). This similarity between the arhat images of Sungbul-sa and those of Qinglindong certifies the strong impact of Song Buddhist art on Koryo frequently mentioned in texts. The Sixteen Arhat images surround the central Buddha raising his hand up to his chest. This Buddha triad could be ascribed to be either the Maitreya Buddha triad or the Sakyamuni Buddha triad based on the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經). Still, the Sakyamuni Buddha triad was more often represented with sixteen or five hundred arhats in the Koryo period, as was seen in the record of Boje-sa where the Sakyamuni triad was enshrined with five hundred arhat images. The Sixteen Arhat images of Sungbul-sa arc most likely to be a rare example of Koryo Arhat images showing the Sakyamuni Buddha triad and the Sixteen Arhats who were predicted to be Buddhas by Sakyamuni in the Lotus Sutra.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.151-168
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• 2004

The Mireuk Temple Stone pagoda is the largest scale of the existing Stone Pagoda in Korea. A research until now postulates that the Stone pagoda at Mireuk Temple site is composed of nine stories total. However it does not have any records of the detail, dimension, and related methods, etc, even though it is a tectonically large scale building. Only one source of the description is based upon a story which is a sort of Korean myth or traditional story (Samkukyousa, Mu dynasty), although a historical description from a myth or a story is a polemical issue and still needed research in order to prove the truth. One of the ways to make a proof of the truth is an architectural research from the typology of the plane. The types of the plane are differentiated from each era. Therefore, the typology of the plane presents a reason or a proof for the age of the pagoda. Furthermore, the typology of the plane is crucial part in the research of the historical style and it could help the historical style of the Mireuk temple stone pagoda. Research until now shows that the Mireuk temple stone pagoda is the genesis of the stone pagoda shaped after wooden one. It is impossible to find any previous one from the stone pagoda at Mireuk Temple site in Korea. So it is easier to find any previous example from the history of China because Buddhist pagoda-most pagodas are something to do with Buddhism-in Korea is introduced by India via China. This research presents the periodical variation of stone and brick pagoda in both countries. It concludes that the Mireuk temple stone pagoda has $7^{th}$ century's plane type.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.186-197
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• 2022

The Daejanggakgibi Stele of Silleuksa Temple in Yeoju is a stone stele from the Goryeo Dynasty that is inscribed with various stories about the construction of Daejanggak, a place where Buddhist scriptures were kept. This stele has been maintained for a long time in a state in which discoloration of the body has occurred, and the inscription has been partially damaged due to dozens of cracks. Using non-destructive analysis methods for stone artifacts, material investigation, portable X-ray fluorescence analysis, and ultrasonic velocity analysis for the stele were performed. It was confirmed that the stele body was composed of light gray crystalline limestone, and the base stone, support stone, and cover stone were medium-grained biotite granite. Portable X-ray fluorescence analysis confirmed that iron(Fe) was an original coloring element of the stele surface. From the distribution pattern of the coloration, it can be inferred that iron-containing materials flew down from between the stele body and the cover stone. Thereafter, living organisms or organic contaminants attached to it so that yellow and black contaminants were formed. Ultrasonic diagnosis revealed that the physical property of both the front and back surfaces ranged from fresh rocks(FR) to completely weathered rocks(CW), and the average weathering index was grade 3(intermediate). However, the point where cracks developed intensively was judged to be the completely weathered stage(CW), and some cracks located in the upper and lower parts of the stele bear potentially very high risk. It is necessary to monitor the movement of these cracks and establish reinforcement measures for conservation in the future.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.115-153
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• 2022

Korea has rapidly become an aging society, and this phenomenon is found not only in common population but also in many religious circles. In this context, interest in the welfare of retired clergy members is increasing, and some religious organizations are trying to devise and perform rules and/or policies that ensure a secure post-retirement life for their clergy. However, the welfare benefits differ from one religion to another according to the characteristics of the given religion's organizational structure. For instance, denominations with a centralized hierarchy such as Catholicism or Won Buddhism implement a relatively stable welfare system for their elderly clergy members whereas autonomous denominations like many Buddhist or Christian orders are often found to have somewhat insecure welfare systems. Clergy welfare in Daesoon Jinrihoe, one of the representative new religions in Korea, is emerging as an important issue as Daesoon Jinrihoe is also affected by the problems of Korea's aging society. However, since the order has a mixed system of a centralized hierarchy and autonomous local branches, the welfare for their elderly clergy lacks clear lines of accountability. Consequently, there have been talks to devise a proper welfare system; however, these talks have come to a standstill. In this regard, this study aims to look into and analyze how various structures and welfare systems within Korean religious organizations impact elderly clergy. Lastly, this research will provide suggestions on practical alternatives for Daesoon Jinrihoe which could resolve the problems within their welfare system that negatively impact elderly clergy members at present.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.25_1
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• pp.25-85
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• 2015

In this study, source criticism (an establishment of authentic text) of the Hyun-Mu Sutra(玄武經) among different editions is studied and an attempt of a new interpretation appropriate to that is attempted. The Hyun-Mu Sutra, a scripture written in 1909, began to communicate with the world through the religions of Jeungsanism. In particular, it was remarkable that The Hyun-Mu Sutra was absorbed as canon textbooks Jeonkyung(典經), the Scriptures of Daesoonjinrihoe, The Fellowship of Daesoon Truth(大巡眞理) from a loner and secret pull-out of heritage traditions. However, this scripture though written in 1909 and more than 100 years has passed, remained in a state unestablished authentic text. The Hyun-Mu Sutra is the scripture consisted of 25 pages by the religions of Jeungsanism[Gang Il-sun 姜一淳(1871~1909)]. 33 page type of Hyun-Mu Sutra has been distributed in the world until now the authentic text of The Hyun-Mu Sutra. However, as a result of the examination, diagnostic scripture(病勢文) was found to have been added by descendants. After a review of authentic text of The Hyun-Mu Sutra, it concluded that there is no diagnostic scripture in primary The Hyun-Mu Sutra. Though The Hyun-Mu Sutra is a booklet of a small amount, the notation and expression is so unique, it has been in secrecy to read its contents. Interpretation way of The Hyun-Mu Sutra up to now can be summarized in two as follows. 1) approaches by I-ching 2) approaches by ten celestrial stemps and twelve earthly branches(10干12支). Approaches by I-ching among this sometimes was supplemented with Buddhist classification methods. Nevertheless, these studies can be evaluated limited because it fails to secure authentic text of The Hyun-Mu Sutra. In this study, the contents of The Hyun-Mu Sutra was examined itemized by focusing on the following four points. 1) The icon of The Hyun-Mu Sutra(玄武經符) is similar as normal talisman(符籍) but it has other features. 2) 'Reverse Fonts'(反書體)[the opposite view of the standard fonts(正書體), reflected in the mirror fonts] and size or location used in text is not in uniform. 3) letters in scripture were pointed and points were stamped in the left and upper and lower characters. 4) "Spiritual poem" (詠歌, the Korean traditional music with a view of elegance as an origin of eco), and the music with the Five-Sounds[宮Gung, 商Sang, 角Gak, 徵Chi, 羽Wu) were related. As a result, content analysis of The Hyun-Mu Sutra is carried out in the next four points. 1) The icon of The Hyun-Mu Sutra (玄武經符) has been primarily developed by Jeungsan. 2) 'Reverse Fonts'(反書體)[the opposite view of the standard fonts(正書體), reflected in the mirror fonts] and reverse location such as '宙宇' [the reverse of '宇宙'] represents based on a new world based on a forward and reverse I-ching(正易). 3) Dot and neighbor points is a symbolic map that guides the position of lateral new world(後天) and era(人尊) 4) Spiritual poem is the entrance to achieve the Realization of Do(道通). The above can be considered as the results of this study.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.62-78
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• 2023

The act of burning incense originated from Buddhist rituals and customs, and gradually formed its own culture. In the Goryeo Dynasty, in addition to religious and national rituals, incense came to be enjoyed more generally and widely. In particular, Goryeo literati enjoyed the elegant lifestyle of staying home and burning incense. This was part of a regional culture shared across East Asia. Such incense burning applied the same methods as were used during the same period in China. In collections of writings from the Goryeo Dynasty, it can be seen that incense methods such as gyeok-hwa-hoon-hyang (隔火熏香) and jeon-hyang (篆香) were used. A particular method of incense influenced the size and shape of the incense burner utilized. Small incense burners suitable for simple everyday incense were used, such as the hyangwan (香垸), a cup (wine glass)-shaped burner. White porcelain incense burners from Song were discovered in Gaegyeong, and celadon incense burners from Goryeo were made in the same shape. This phenomenon shows that there was great demand for ceramic incense burners in Goryeo in the 12th and 13th centuries. During this period, incense burners that imitated metalware were produced, and some applied the techniques and patterns of Goryeo celadon. The Goryeo Dynasty-era incense burner was basically a necessity for use in various rituals, but gradually came to be widely used also by individuals.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.22
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• pp.387-432
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• 2014

In this paper, I want to compare the mantra of Korean Buddhism with the jumun(呪文) of Daesoonjinrihoe in rites and cultivation. Regarding the mantra of Buddhism there are some researches, but there are few studies with regard to the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe. The mantra of Buddhism and jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe look similar in pronouncing Hangul characters, but the religious and historical context around these seems to be different. The mantra of Korean Buddhism is associated with the introduction and diffusion process of esoteric Buddhism. In the early period of Buddhism some mantras were allowed by Buddha and the mantras were certified as a educational teaching in the period of Early Buddhist schools. In Mahayana school, the dharani that was abstracted from the vast Mahayana scriptures was developed. As Mahayana Buddhism develops, esoteric Buddhism was born in India. Esoteric Buddhism was introduced into China and was imported into Korea in Silla dynasty. In Koryo dynasty various rituals of esoteric Buddhism flourished and Jineunjong(眞言宗) and Chongjijong(總持宗) school were formed. In Chosun dynasty Buddhism was suppressed by government and the esoteric school was discontinued. But in rituals and cultivation the mantra and dharani were flourished in the latter part of Chosun dynasty. In modern period several esoteric schools were formed and developed. In present context the mantra was recited by many people in Korea. Main mantras are 'Om mani padme hum', 'Dharani of Avalokitesvara(神妙章句大陀羅尼)', 'neungumju(楞嚴呪)', 'Gwangmyung mantra(光明眞言) etc. The jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe was started by Kang Jeungsan(姜甑山) who was believed to be a God by Daesoonjinrihoe believers. Jeungsan used several existed mantras in creating new heaven and earth and made new jumuns by himself and taught them to his followers. Cho Jungsan(趙鼎山) who succeeded to the doctrines has received the jumuns by Jeungsan. He selected the jumuns to recite and determined the method how to spell these. Park Hankyung(朴漢慶) who opened Daesoonjinrihoe succeeded the rituals and doctrines. Every day ritual of Daesoonjinrihoe is chanting the jumun and the cultivation and gongbu(工夫) is practiced through jumun. Important jumuns of Daesoonjinrihoe are Taeulju(太乙呪) and Kidoju(祈禱呪). In the aspects of ritual, the mantra of Buddhism and the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe perform a similar function. The mantra of Buddhism has the context of the doctrines of Buddhism and the method of Buddhistic practicing but the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe is related to Jeungsan's teaching and the doctrines of Daesoonjinrihoe. But it is same that the mantra and jumun are used in communicating or uniting with ultimate reality. So the mantra and jumun are important vehicles for homo religius to meet the sacred and unite with the sacred and is regarded as the sacred word by the faithful which has a lot of symbols and meanings.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.155-180
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• 2011

This paper aims at comparing the metanarrative and East Timor's local narrative in Indonesia during the Suharto's regime. Although these history writings have different political goals, the patterns of writings are ironically similar. Both of the history writings show strong nationalistic history writing patterns. Yet, in the writings, these histories place different interpretations on the historical events. In the metanarrative, local dynamics are seen through the diagrams of the nation and nationhood. This narrative finds the roots of the "ethnie" from some kingdoms in Java and Sumatra. These kingdoms, which throve based on the Hindu-Buddhist culture, achieved a territorial unity to a degree, covering some parts of Java and Sumatra. The glorious past disappeared with the advent of the colonial rule. The metanarrative then emphasizes the unity of the ethnic groups in the archipelago, which fiercely resisted against the colonial exploitation and oppression. By this, these ethnic groups were defined as "the masses," the collective identity, which had a same goal to achieve the national independence. In addition, some local histories, which took positive attitudes toward the European forces, were simply left out from the metanarrative. All the separatist movements taking place in the republic were also described as the anti-unifying forces. On the other hand, the goal of the history-writing in East Timor was to enhance the sense of nationalism and create the perception of the "East Timorese." The fundamental aim was the separation from Indonesia. In the narrative, the nationalist politicians overcame the problem of the non-existence of any memories of the glorious past with the awakening of the idea of "the imagined gloriousness of the past if there was no colonial rule." In addition, the narrative overemphasizes the memory of the colonial rule for 450 years under the Portuguese rule in order to stress the fact that it was the colony of Portugal, not of the Netherlands. Finally, the narrative shows how the East Timorese collectively fell to the status of slaves. By this, the political leaders of East Timor evoked the notion that it was recolonized by Indonesia, under which the East Timorese were demoted to the status of slaves. This notion of "slave-master" relationship then became the motives for the independence struggles in East Timor.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.103-117
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• 2013

This research analyzed the spatial components and establishment of the Tap-gol Park according to the plans between 1897 to 1916 when the discussions on the construction of the park began and it was accomplished as an urban park. The results are as follows. The establishment of Tap-gol Park can be divided by three period. Firstly, Tap-gol Park was owned by the royal family from 1987 to 1904. The discussions on construction of Tap-gol Park as a first urban park of Gyeongseong(京城) in 1897, and the private houses were tear down in order to secure land for the park in 1899. Gates and fences surrounding of Tap-gol Park were organized and it was opened in 1902 based on park plane of turtle - shaped. The octagonal pavilion for 'Lee-Wang-Jik musical band(李王職音樂隊)' was relocated in the southwestern part of the park in 1903. Secondly, Tap-gol Park was used actively by the public between 1910 to 1913, because it was opened for individuals. Also The boundary of Park were changed by surrounding facilities and recreational facilities and benefits was complemented for users. Tap-gol park was opened at nighttime in August 1913. Tap-gol Park was used as a place of amusement park. Thirdly, commercial facilities were made as the park facility between 1914 to 1916. The purpose of 'Kkikdajeom(喫茶店)' was similar to the one of modern cafes. It was built as a typical Japanese tea-house with a small pond having an island and a bridge constructed inside. With the increase of usage of Tap-gol Park as a recreational area by the citizens in 1916, the pavilion as a rest area and toilet as amenities were supplemented. Superintendent's office was equipped too. Simple chairs made from the wooden logs were installed around greenhouse, concert hall, the Wongaksa Buddhist temple(圓覺寺址十層石塔), and the flower garden was fenced round. After the relocation of Yongsan music band to Tap-gol Park, the existing concert hall was demolished. The shape of the park which was seen from the pictures of the magazines of 1920s were achieved as early as 1916. The importance of this research includes the basis to revise the errors of the preexistence researches and value of historical material of the design plan reference of the park which was accomplished during the Japanese colonial era. Also this research is to study on the spatial components of the modern landscape architecture and parks.