• 수완나부미
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.55-94
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• 2010

Even Faxian(法顯)'s Gaosengfaxianchuan (『高僧法顯傳』) and Iching(義淨)'s Nanhaijiguineifachuan (『南海寄歸內法傳』) are regarded as very important and useful documents to study the southeast asian buddhist culture, it is very difficult to grasp the contemporary state of those area because their descriptions are very brief and implicit. Therefore this essay aimed an in-depth reading their documents as original texts of modern understanding of those area, and tried to make a new views to approach the southeast asian buddhist culture by some more historically and concretely. At the early 5th century when Faxian(法顯) arrived, Buddhism was flourished in Sri Lanka. Because already a long time passed since the Saṇgha was schismatized into conservative and progressive at around the dominical year, he mentioned nothing about the conflict or disharmony of two orders. And the faith of Buddha tooth relic, which had been uprisen at 50 years ago from Faxian's visiting, was concretely established as a representative religion of Sri Lanka. According to his record, the carrying ritual of this Buddha tooth was performed very magnificently as similar with recent Korean Youngsan ceremony(靈山齋). In the mean time, it looks there were many sculptures of Buddha image made of precious stone of special product from Sri Lanka. The faith of Buddha-pāda(the Buddha's foot-prints) was also generalized at that time. The most famous monk of his contemporary Sir Lanka was Buddhaghosa, the author of Visuddhi-magga, but it is not sure that Faxian had met him. It can be suspected that the funeral in which Faxian participated could be belonged to him, or the Visuddhi-magga was writing at the peak during Faxian's staying. On the way to return to China, Faxian embarked an indigenous ship around Indonesia. It means there were no chinese trade ship which he can use. So the trade between china and southeast asia was advanced by south asian ships, and the chinese ships were not yet joined at that time so activity. And at least until that time, it looks there were no any remarkable buddhist movement in the southeast asian countries by where he stopped. In contrast, the southeast asian world which be seen by Iching had already experienced a lot of changes. He was impressed by the high quality buddhist culture of those area, and insisted to accept it to china. Further, he analyzed the sects of buddhism which were prevalent around the southeast asia in his contemporary time, and tried to make a good relationship with each native monks for learning from them. It looks the center of those exchanges may be Śrīvijaya of Indonesia. He also mentioned the situation of the late 7th century's Funan(扶南) in Cambodia. At that time, the buddhist Saṇgha was oppressed by newly rising Khmer(眞臘). On the other hand, he described the points of sameness and difference in detail between Indian and southeast asian buddhist culture in the field of ritual as like the practical use of garments, buddha images, and daily recited scriptures. There must be a lot of another aspects which this essay couldn't gather up or catch from these documents. Nevertheless, I hope this essay can help the researchers of this field and will wait for any advices and comments from them.

• 한국자원식물학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국자원식물학회 2018년도 추계학술대회
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• pp.53-53
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• 2018

본 연구는 대승 경전에 나타난 식물의 수록 양상과 그 의미를 밝히는 연구의 세 번째 과정이다. 법화경은 천태종(天台宗)의 소의 경전(所依慶典)으로 우리나라에서 유통된 경전 가운데 최다 간행된 경전이며 화엄경과 함께 한국 교학의 중심이 된 경전이다. 연구 대상은 현존하는 법화경의 판본 가운데 구마라집(鳩摩羅什) 역 묘법연화경(妙法蓮華經, 이하 법화경, 7권으로 구성)에 수록된 식물이다. 본 연구에서는 식물 분류학적 실체는 물론 이 경의 중심 논지와 연관성이 큰 천화(天華, 하늘의 꽃)의 실체를 별도로 구명하여 식물수록의 특성과 차별성을 동시에 구명하고자 하였다. 1. 법화경에 나타난 식물의 수록 횟수와 식물의 종 수는 다음과 같았다. 법화경에는 총 27종의 식물이 수록되어 있었으며 이 가운데 목본은 16종(59.3%)이고 초본은 11종(40.7%)이었다. 식물수록 양상에 있어 특이점은 목본이 초본에 비해 상대적으로 높은 비중을 차지하고 있었다는 점이었다. 이러한 결과는 중심사상의 전달방식에 있어 비교 대상이 되는 다른 대승 경전과 차이가 있다는 점과도 무관하지 않았다. 실제로 비교 대상인 화엄경의 목본과 초본 비율은 각각 17종(48.6%)과 18종(51.4%)이었고 열반경은 각각 36종(45.6%)과 43종(54.4%)으로 목본과 초본의 수록 비율에 차이가 크지 않았다. 2. 법화경에 나타난 식물 27종은 총 20개 과에 분포되어 있었다. 수련과 3종, 콩과 3종, 물푸레나무과 2종, 뽕나무과 2종, 벼과 2종의 순이었다. 다수 과에 분포된 식물은 대부분 중심사상 전달의 매개체인 천화(하늘의 꽃)에 속하는 식물이었다. 3. '하늘의 꽃' 이라고 신성시되면서 이 경의 내용 전개에 있어 중요한 위치를 점하고 있는'천화(天華)'는 연꽃과 수련 종류를 지칭하는 식물이 중심이 되었으며 유용한 관상 및 조경, 향료 자원 및 목재 자원 식물이었다.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.80-89
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• 1996

Tripitaka Koreana was made during Koryo Dynasty from 1236 to 1251 A.D. Buddhist scriptures were engraved on 81.340 wooden plates. This study was made to identify species in these archaeological wooden plates using light and scanning electron microscopes. The results were as follows more than 62% of whole specimens investigated was Prunus sp., which was used in wooden plate 64% and wooden plate edge 56%, Pyrus sp. was used 13% of whole specimens and 31% of wooden plates. Therefore, 75% of whole Tripitaka Koreana was made by these two species. Acer sp., Betula sp., Machilus sp., Cornus sp., Daphnilhyllum sp., Prunus sp. were also identified but extreamly rare. Especially Machilus sp. and Daphnilhyllum sp. originally distributed in subtropical zone of west and south coast in Korea were identified, suggested strongly another engraving place of Tripitaka Koreana, Namhae bunsadogam.

• 복식
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• 제65권7호
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• pp.32-46
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• 2015

Treasures patterns are simplified designs of vessels used in everyday life, which were symbols of luck. Treasures patterns on textiles are largely assorted into four groups: eight auspicious patterns of Buddhism, eight immortal patterns of Taoism, seven treasures patterns of King Chakravarti in the Buddhist Scriptures and normal treasures patterns. Among them normal treasures patterns are most commonly used. Records in the Joseon documents show these patterns as being composed of seven treasures patterns or eight treasures patterns. But observation of the actual relics show that these patterns ranged from four to ten patterns. Korean traditional textiles treasures patterns began to appear in Korea on the relics of the last of Goryeo period. They were used as sub-patterns among main patterns of dynamically rising cloud patterns with five heads. Treasures patterns in the early Joseon period were commonly used as sub-patterns, and cloud and treasures pattern were prime examples of this. In the 16th century, lotus vine pattern, small flower vine pattern, or small flower pattern were often used as main patterns and treasures patterns were regularly used as sub-patterns. The robe of the Great Monk of Seo San was unique, in that both main and sub patterns consisted of the treasures patterns. From the 17th century, treasures patterns began to be used as main patterns. For example, a relic with eight alternatively arranged treasures patterns were found. Though there were still some cases where the patterns were used as sub-patterns, they begin to appear bigger than the previous period and became similar to main patterns in size. In the 18th and 19th centuries, there were various cases where treasures patterns were combined with flowers, fruits, animals, and letter patterns and used as main patterns. And there are many different methods of representing and developing the patterns.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.55-60
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• 1996

Tripitaka Koreana were made during Coryo Dynasty from 1236 to 1251 A.D. Buddhist scriptures were engraved on 81.340 wooden plates. Some plates were varnished with Rhus lacquer, but most of them were uncoated. Macroscopically, most of the plates appeared intact due to the storage in a well-ventilated wooden house. Because, they were irregularly used for printings with ink, it can be assumed that they were repeatedly exposed to ink-water and drying processes. The present were made to examine the changes of wood cell structures occurred during long-term aging deterioration processes in these dry archaeological wooden plates. Light, scanning and transmission electron microscopes were employed for this study. Wedge-shaped cracks and delamilations were found from the lumen side toward the compound middle lamellae and they progressed toward primary or secondary walls. A large amount of hypae in vessels and the degradation of vessel-ray pit walls by the fungal hyphae were observed. When compared to the recent wood, the birefringence of wood fibers was considerably lower or completly disappeared, suggesting the degradation of crystalline cellulose in these wood samples. The degradation of the cell wall could be also revealed the calculation of crystallinity with X-ray diffraction and the size of crystalline region was estimated.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제35권2호
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• pp.77-98
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• 2022

Objectives : This paper intends to examine the essence of Joseon's cultivation techniques as written in the vast encyclopedia Imwon-gyeongje-ji. Methods : Items related to cultivation techniques in the Imwon-gyeongje-ji were brought together and analyzed through various cases that match the theme and structure of this paper, focusing on the relationship of Body-Environment-Society Results & Conclusions : Based on the contents of the Imwon-gyeongje-ji, it could be said that Seo Yu-gu consistently attempted to secure and improve health, well-being, and welfare in all levels of an individual's body, environment, and society while stating to have integrated Buddhist and Daoist methods based on Confucius cultivation. This thought is linked to the ideals of Zhongyong, one of the main scriptures of Confucianism, which could be summarized by the concept of the Heaven-Earth Cultivation. In specific, contents within the 16 treaties of the Imwon-gyeongje-ji such as the Boyang-ji, Inje-ji, Jeongjo-ji, Yewon-ji, Yiwun-ji, Yuye-ji, Yegyu-ji, etc., that could be categorized as personal, environmental and societal cultivation has great implications for people today in that it could lead us to an integrated path of cultivation through the inter-connection of body, environment, and society.

• 한국도서관정보학회지
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• 제50권1호
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• pp.61-84
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• 2019

이 연구는 중국의 송 원대 임제종 양기파의 승려, 몽산 덕이의 대표 어록인 "몽산화상법어약록"과 "몽산화상육도보설" 조선본을 분석한 것이다. 그의 어록과 저술은 고려 말에 전해져 우리나라 불교계에 큰 영향을 미친 것으로 알려져 있다. 법어약록은 39종, 육도보설은 24종이 현존하고 있으며 본 연구는 63종을 연구대상으로 간행 시기별, 간행 지역별, 간행 참여자를 분석하였다. "법어약록"은 대부분 16~17세기에 간행되었다. 1467년 간경도감본이 최초의 판본이며 한문본이 1525년에 처음 나타나는 것으로 보아 1467년 간경도감에서 세조와 신미에 의해 처음 편찬된 책이다. 육도보설은 모두 15~16세기에 간행되었는데 언해본은 1종만 존재하며 모두 한문본으로 고려 말에서 조선 전기 몽산 어록의 유통 가능성을 보여준다. 두 책은 모두 전국적으로 유통되었으며 "법어약록"은 국가에서 간행되었다는 점에서 몽산의 어록이 매우 중요하게 다뤄졌던 것으로 보인다. 또한 두 어록 모두 지리산 지역에서 활발히 간행되었으며 임진왜란 이후 대규모 불사에 "법어약록"도 함께 간행되었다. 몽산 어록의 간행에 있어 참여자로 화주는 71명, 각수는 109명이 참여하였다. 화주는 다른 사찰에서의 불서 간행에 참여한 경우가 거의 없으나 각수는 대부분이 참여한 것이 확인된다. 몇몇은 활발한 간행활동을 보이는데 이들은 각 지역의 대표 각수로 활동했던 것으로 보인다. 63종의 "법어약록"과 "육도보설" 판본은 조선 전기 불서 간행의 모습을 대표적으로 보여준다고 할 수 있다. 몽산의 어록은 조선 전기 불교계의 개혁과 유불도의 공존을 모색하는 상황 속에서 적극적으로 수용 및 유통되었던 것이다.

• 한국도서관정보학회지
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• 제49권4호
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• pp.373-404
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• 2018

본 연구는 고려시대 제작된 불교 경전에 포함된 판화와 관련된 개괄적인 현황을 살펴보기 위함이다. 고려시대 간행된 판화본 중 해인사 소장 대장경에 포함된 것은 ${\ll}$화엄경(華嚴經)${\gg}$ 주본(周本) 80점(5점 중복), 진본(晉本) 12점을 비롯하여 ${\ll}$예수경(豫修經)${\gg}$ 3종 44점과 송광사에 ${\ll}$천태은사한산습득시집(天台隱士寒山拾得詩集)${\gg}$의 판화 1점이 현전한다. 또한 초조대장경 중 현재 일본 남선사에는 소장된 ${\ll}$어제비장전(御製秘藏詮)${\gg}$ 권1-10까지에는 50개의 판화가 현전하며, 이것은 권11-20까지 중복해서 사용 되었으며, 권21에는 불전도(佛傳圖) 형식의 판화가 3점 포함되어 있다. 이 외에 본고에 다룬 고려시대 간행된 불경 판화는 12종 19점으로, 중국에서 유입된 불경 판화의 모티브를 차용하면서도 고려인들만의 관점에서 재해석하여 독창적인 도상을 만들어 내었다는 점과, 특히 조선 초기 제작된 다양한 불경 판화의 원형을 제공해주고 있어 그 시원을 가늠할 수 있게 해준다는 점에서도 중요한 의미를 지닌다.

• 한국전통조경학회지
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• 제40권3호
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• pp.57-66
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• 2022

2003년 경상남도 사천시 선진리 251번지 및 256-1번지에서 측천문자가 새겨진 신라시대 비문이 발견된 이후, 경남문화재연구원과 곽승훈, 김창겸 등 국내연구자들이 비문에 대한 해석을 시도한 바 있다. 그러나 비문에 등장하는 측천문자의 기원과 이두식 표현의 해석 대해서는 이설이 존재한다. 본 연구에서는 이 비석이 7세기 후반에서 8세기 중반에 신라 임금이 진주·사천 일대에서 순시 및 불교 활동에 참여한 것을 기념하기 위해 세운 것으로, 비문의 주인공은 남부 지방을 순시한 적 있는 성덕왕일 가능성이 높은 것으로 추정하였다. 또한 인명으로 해석되어 온 "상요언(上了言)"의 경우 료(了)와 같은 조사가 인명에 사용되지 않는 원칙을 고려할 경우, 인명으로 이해하기보다는 동사와 조사로 구성된 이두식 표기로 해석하야 한다고 본다. 『무구정광대다라니경』과 같은 종교서적은 아니지만, 측천문자가 사용된 이유는 화엄종 사상을 받아들이는 과정에서 신라 왕실이 측천무후 시대의 불경을 접하게 된 것이 화엄종의 발흥과 밀접한 관련이 있기 때문이다. 이 과정에서 측천문자를 익히고 사용한 것으로 보인다.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제22권6호
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• pp.35-46
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• 2013

This study aims to examine the early use of Da-bo tap and their transformation by analyzing the various meanings of the term pagoda in Chinese translations, the Sanskrit version of the Lotus Sutra, as well as Dabotap in the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang. In addition, we aim to highlight changes in Dabotap usage, which started out as residential spaces, but transformed into burial spaces over time. The details can be summarized as follows. First, early Buddhist monuments were usually either pagodas serving as burial places for the dead or shrines that were not. A Dabotap is a type of pagoda enshrining the body of Prabhutaratna, and was initially used as a residential space, rather than a burial place for the dead. Second, the terms stupa and caitya are clearly distinguished from each other in the Sanskrit scriptures, and stupa is also further classified into dhatu, sarisa, and atmabhava based on the object being enshrined. In Gyeon-bo-tab-pum, the preconditions for caitya to transform into stupa is presented by explaining that worshipping the space enshrining the body of Prabhutaratna is worthy of the same status as the space enshrining sarira. Third, the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang had been depicted from the Western Wei of the Northern Dynasties until the time of the Yuan Dynasty. It was used as a residential space until the early Sui Dynasty, but was used as both residence and burial places until the Tang Dynasty when pagodas were first being constructed with wheel or circles forms on top, which then gradually changed into stupa (grave towers).