• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.357-369
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• 2011

The Bongamsa Jeongjindaesa Wonotap Pagoda (Treasure No. 171) constructed in the 10th century composed mainly of leucocratic granite with feldspar phenocryst. The major rock-forming minerals are quartz, orthoclase, plagioclase and some biotite. This pogoda is highly damaged physical weathering which are break-out, flakes, exfoliation and cracks. As a result of the infrared thermography on the surface of the pagoda, internal exfoliations occurred to cracks. Also, P-XRF analysis showed that Fe, S, Ca and Mn of concentration were so high in the discoloration parts. The coated part of red pigment has a high five times in Fe content than the fresh rock surface. This result suggests that material of red pigment is hematite. Ultrasonic velocity of the stone properties were from 831 to 2,457 m/s, but it measured velocity of less than 1,000m/s in part of damaged area. Therefore, we suggest for safety conservation for weathered parts of the pagoda, that is in want of rejoin and consolidation treatment about serious damage parts.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.183-211
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• 2018

Hyesim(慧諶) was an important figure that established a firm position of Suseonsa(修禪社), which was Jinul's Gyeolsadojang(結社道場), under the sponsorship of Choi Yi(崔怡)'s military regime. This paper reviews the background of "Ganbyeongron(揀病論)", in which Hyesim's Zen ideology is condensed, and its core content Sibjongbyeong(10 kinds of disease). With this, we can newly recognize following 5 facts: First, Sibjongbyeong occupied the most important position in Hyesim. It can be confirmed by the fact that Sibjongbyeong commonly occurred in the procedure that Hyesim was trusted by Jinul, in the "Ganhwagyeoleuiron(看話決疑論)" a Jinul's posthumous work published by Hyesim, and in "Ganbyeongron". Second, the publication of "Ganbyeongron" was not only for the systematic development of Ganhwa Gyeongjeol(看話 徑截) which Jinul had suggested but also for the consolidation of Hyesim's position in Suseonsa. Third, Hyesim wanted to establish the Ganhwa Gyeongjeol which Jinul had proposed through "Ganbyeongron". Fourth, the result of "Ganbyeongron" was to generalize the enlightenment suggested by Jonggo and Jinul in the practical aspect. Fifth, the generalization of enlightenment was not independent from the demands of the time that Choi Yi's military regime had asked. With this research approach, we can establish a clearer understanding about the "Ganbyeongron", Sibjongbyeong, and the Zen Buddhist aspects of early Suseonsa Era.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.170-189
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• 2019

Sochi Heo Ryun (小癡 許鍊, 1808-1893) was a literary artist of Chinese paintings of the Southern School during the late Joseon dynasty and the founder of paintings in the literary artist's style of Jindo County in South Jeolla Province. He was also a professional literary artist who acquired both learning and painting techniques under Choui (a Zen priest) and Kim Jeong-hee's teachings. Heo Ryun's landscape paintings were influenced by Kim Jung -hee. However, his ink orchid paintings, which he began producing in his later years, were not related to the 'Ink Orchid Paintings of Chusa (秋史蘭)'. His ink orchid paintings as a whole drew attention as he followed the old methods but still used rough brush strokes . Ordinary orchids were drawn based on Confucian content. However, his Jebal (題跋) and seal (印章) contain not only Confucian characters but also Taoist and Buddhist meanings. Therefore, it is possible to guess his direction of life and his private world of suffering. Ryun's ink orchid paintings reflected a variety of philosophies and aesthetic sensibilities. He went through a process of stylistic change over time and formed an 'Ink Orchid Painted Thought' in later life. The main characteristic of Sochi's ink orchid paintings is that he formed his own special methods for orchid paintings by mimicking the Manuals of Paintings. He drew orchids with his fingers in the beginning. Then, Jeongseop, Lee Ha-eung, Cho Hee-ryong, and others developed an organic relationship with the painting style of ink orchid paintings. Then in later years, orchid paintings reached the point of 'Picture Painted Thought (寫意畵)'. The above consideration shows that ink orchid paintings, which he produced until the end of his life, were the beginning of his mental vision and will to realize the image of a literal artist.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.25_1
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• pp.25-85
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• 2015

In this study, source criticism (an establishment of authentic text) of the Hyun-Mu Sutra(玄武經) among different editions is studied and an attempt of a new interpretation appropriate to that is attempted. The Hyun-Mu Sutra, a scripture written in 1909, began to communicate with the world through the religions of Jeungsanism. In particular, it was remarkable that The Hyun-Mu Sutra was absorbed as canon textbooks Jeonkyung(典經), the Scriptures of Daesoonjinrihoe, The Fellowship of Daesoon Truth(大巡眞理) from a loner and secret pull-out of heritage traditions. However, this scripture though written in 1909 and more than 100 years has passed, remained in a state unestablished authentic text. The Hyun-Mu Sutra is the scripture consisted of 25 pages by the religions of Jeungsanism[Gang Il-sun 姜一淳(1871~1909)]. 33 page type of Hyun-Mu Sutra has been distributed in the world until now the authentic text of The Hyun-Mu Sutra. However, as a result of the examination, diagnostic scripture(病勢文) was found to have been added by descendants. After a review of authentic text of The Hyun-Mu Sutra, it concluded that there is no diagnostic scripture in primary The Hyun-Mu Sutra. Though The Hyun-Mu Sutra is a booklet of a small amount, the notation and expression is so unique, it has been in secrecy to read its contents. Interpretation way of The Hyun-Mu Sutra up to now can be summarized in two as follows. 1) approaches by I-ching 2) approaches by ten celestrial stemps and twelve earthly branches(10干12支). Approaches by I-ching among this sometimes was supplemented with Buddhist classification methods. Nevertheless, these studies can be evaluated limited because it fails to secure authentic text of The Hyun-Mu Sutra. In this study, the contents of The Hyun-Mu Sutra was examined itemized by focusing on the following four points. 1) The icon of The Hyun-Mu Sutra(玄武經符) is similar as normal talisman(符籍) but it has other features. 2) 'Reverse Fonts'(反書體)[the opposite view of the standard fonts(正書體), reflected in the mirror fonts] and size or location used in text is not in uniform. 3) letters in scripture were pointed and points were stamped in the left and upper and lower characters. 4) "Spiritual poem" (詠歌, the Korean traditional music with a view of elegance as an origin of eco), and the music with the Five-Sounds[宮Gung, 商Sang, 角Gak, 徵Chi, 羽Wu) were related. As a result, content analysis of The Hyun-Mu Sutra is carried out in the next four points. 1) The icon of The Hyun-Mu Sutra (玄武經符) has been primarily developed by Jeungsan. 2) 'Reverse Fonts'(反書體)[the opposite view of the standard fonts(正書體), reflected in the mirror fonts] and reverse location such as '宙宇' [the reverse of '宇宙'] represents based on a new world based on a forward and reverse I-ching(正易). 3) Dot and neighbor points is a symbolic map that guides the position of lateral new world(後天) and era(人尊) 4) Spiritual poem is the entrance to achieve the Realization of Do(道通). The above can be considered as the results of this study.

• Food Science and Preservation
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.276-285
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• 2014

The purpose of this study was to develop a new fermented product (named as Cheonggeumjang) using Sigumjang, Cheonggukjang and Oak mushroom. This study was conducted to evaluate the effects of Sigumjang, Cheonggukjang, and Cheonggeumjang, which were mixed in a different ratio as A (Sigumjang: Cheonggukjang = 1:2), B (Sigumjang: Cheonggukjang = 1:1) and C (Sigumjang: Cheonggukjang = 2 : 1). Then, the functions and physicochemical properties of products were investigated. We found that the crude protein content in Cheonggeumjang was higher than in Sigumjang whereas fat and calories content was less than that of Cheonggukjang. Free sugar content in Cheonggeumjang C 5.8681 g/100g was the highest. Moroever, Cheonggeumjang C and Sigumjang has an antioxidant activities. The electron donating capacity, SOD like activity and the inhibitory effect on xanthine oxidase of these two were significantly high than other group. Fat rancidity is promoted in the presence of metal ion, Cheonggeumjang group has higher inhibitory effect on $Fe^{2+}$ion than on $Cu^{2+}$ ion. The rancidity of fat is also increased by reactive oxygens species, Cheonggeumjang group inhibited $H_2O_2$ in higher extent than $KO_2$. Also, ${\alpha}$-glucosidase inhibition activity of Cheonggeumjang C in all of the concentrations (300 ppm, 500 ppm and 700 ppm) is higher than other groups. In sensory evaluation, Cheonggeumjang C groups is ranked significantly higher than the other groups while considering color, flavor, taste and the overall acceptability. Taken together, the results of this study suggest that Cheonggeumjang is best ingredient for increasing the consumer acceptability and functionality.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.22-53
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the contents, characteristics, and historical significance of the dedicatory inscriptions (josanggi) on the Amitabha Buddha and the Maitreya Bodhisattva statues of Gamsansa Temple, two masterpieces of Buddhist sculpture from the Unified Silla period. In the first section, I summarize research results from the past century (divided into four periods), before presenting a new perspective and methodology that questions the pre-existing notion that the Maitreya Bodhisattva has a higher rank than the Amitabha Buddha. In the second section, through my own analysis of the dedicatory inscriptions, arrangement, and overall appearance of the two images, I assert that the Amitabha Buddha sculpture actually held a higher rank and greater significance than the Maitreya Bodhisattva sculpture. In the third section, for the first time, I provide a new interpretation of two previously undeciphered characters from the inscriptions. In addition, by comparing the sentence structures from the respective inscriptions and revising the current understanding of the author (chanja) and calligrapher (seoja), I elucidate the possible meaning of some ambiguous phrases. Finally, in the fourth section, I reexamine the content of both inscriptions, differentiating between the parts relating to the patron (josangju), the dedication (josang), and the prayers of the patrons or donors (balwon). In particular, I argue that the phrase "for my deceased parents" is not merely a general axiom, but a specific reference. To summarize, the dedicatory inscriptions can be interpreted as follows: when Kim Jiseong's parents died, they were cremated and he scattered most of their remains by the East Sea. But years later, he regretted having no physical memorial of them to which to pay his respects. Thus, in his later years, he donated his estate on Gamsan as alms and led the construction of Gamsansa Temple. He then commissioned the production of the two stone sculptures of Amitabha Buddha and Maitreya Bodhisattva for the temple, asking that they be sculpted realistically to reflect the actual appearance of his parents. Finally, he enshrined the remains of his parents in the sculptures through the hole in the back of the head (jeonghyeol). The Maitreya Bodhisattva is a standing image with a nirmanakaya, or "transformation Buddha," on the crown. As various art historians have pointed out, this iconography is virtually unprecedented among Maitreya images in East Asian Buddhist sculpture, leading some to speculate that the standing image is actually the Avalokitesvara. However, anyone who reads the dedicatory inscription can have no doubt that this image is in fact the Maitreya. To ensure that the sculpture properly embodied his mother (who wished to be reborn in Tushita Heaven with Maitreya Bodhisattva), Kim Jiseong combined the iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara (the reincarnation of compassion). Hence, Kim Jiseong's deep love for his mother motivated him to modify the conventional iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara. A similar sentiment can be found in the sculpture of Amitabha Buddha. To this day, any visitor to the temple who first looks at the sculptures from the front before reading the text on the back will be deeply touched by the filial love of Kim Jiseong, who truly cherished the memory of his parents.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.457-507
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to explore the formal and content features of the material for the Changgeuk album , which was produced and released in 1971. Changgeuk album was produced and published as a headword for "Changgeuk". However, it differs from the style of Changgeuk which is treated as a stage drama in that the narrative is developed around the commentary and dialogue in the formal aspect and the Pansori is only partially used. The styles of Changgeuk, implemented through gramophone record, radio broadcasts and television broadcasts, varied widely, unlike those of Changgeuk established in the 1930s. Pansori music wasn't the only center, and traditional performers weren't even the main members of the play. The characteristic form of the Changgeuk album is an experiment of Changgeuk that emerged naturally with radio reading and the advent of radio dramas in the 1950s and 1960s. So it is necessary to pay attention to the Changgeuk album in that it shows diverse forms of experiments conducted by Changgeuk in the newly introduced culture and media in the middle and late 20th century As for the contents of the Changgeuk album , the work embraces Lee Jong ik 's novel (1957), but develops the narrative centering on the life of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師). And it is faithfully portraying the life of a Buddhist monk and the national salvation hero who pursued the original work. This content composition can be understood in the will of singer Lee Yong bae, the soundman who produced the album, and in the flow of historical dramas that summon the historical hero of the old country of the time to the stage. Singer Lee Yong bae reflects on his life in the past when he was full of greed and conceit through his life as a monk of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師) and is greatly impressed by the personal aspect of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師), and these emotions encouraged his creative will. Also, the Changgeuk record is meaningful in that it is one of the specific materials that embodies the national hero as a record and a traditional play under the discourse of the people, the nation in the 1970s.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.91-106
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• 2018

During the Old Uighur period, many works were translated into Old Uighur under the influence of Buddhism. Among these works, literary works such as $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$ hold an important place. These works were usually translated from Pali to Sanskrit, from Sanskrit to Sogdian, Tocharian and Chinese, and to Old Uighur from these languages. These works which were added to the Old Uighur repertoire by translation indicate that different peoples along the ancient Silk Road had deep linguistic interactions with one another. Aside from these works, other narratives that we have been so far unable to determine whether they were translations, adaptations or original works have also been discovered. The Tale of King Chashtana, which was found in the work titled $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$, is one of the tales we have been unable to classify as a translation or an original work. This tale has never been discovered with this title or this content in the languages of any of the peoples that were exposed to Buddhism along the Silk Road. On the other hand, the person whom the protagonist of this tale was named after has a very important place in the history of India, one of the countries that the Silk Road goes through. Saka Mahakshatrapa Chashtana (or Cashtana), a contemporary of Nahapana, declared himself king in Gujarat. A short time later, Chashtana, having invaded Ujjain and Maharashtra, established a powerful Saka kingdom in the west of India. His descendants reigned in the region for a long time. Another important fact about Chashtana is that coinage minted in his name was used all along the Silk Road. Chashtana, who became a significant historical figure in north western India, inspired the name of the protagonist of a tale in Old Uighur. That it is probable that the tale of King Chashtana is an original Old Uighur tale and not found in any other languages of the Silk Road brings some questions to mind: Who is Chashtana, the hero of the story? Is he related to the Saka king Chashtana in any way? What sort of influence did Chashtana have on the Silk Road and its languages? If this tale which we have never encountered in any other language of the Silk Road is indeed an original tale, why did the Old Uighurs use the name of an important Saka ruler? Is Saka-Uighur contact in question, given tales of this kind? What can we say about the historical and cultural geography of the Silk Road, given the fact that coinage was minted in his name and used along the Silk Road? In this study, I will attempt to answer these questions and share the information we have gleaned about Chashtana the hero of the tale and the Saka king Chashtana. One of the main aim of this study is to reveal the relationship between the narrative hero Chashtana and the Saka king Chashtana according to this information. Another aim of this study is to understand the history of the Saka, the Uighur and the Silk Road and to reveal the relationship between these three important subjects of history. The importance of the Silk Road will be emphasized again with the understanding of these relations. In this way, new information about Chashtana, who is an important name in the history of the India and the Silk Road, will be put forward. The history of the Sakas will be viewed from a different perspective through the Old Uighur Buddhist story.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.115-131
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• 2020

Through literature research and field investigation, this paper attempts to study the distribution, morphology and the typification of the visual and perceptual stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok of China. The results are as follows: First, there are 350 stone inscriptions in total from the 1^st Gok to 9^th Gok in Wuyi-Gugok. Second, according to the analysis of the stone inscription distribution, 74(21.2%) stone inscriptions in the 5^th Gok, 67(19.2%) in the 6^th Gok, 65(18.6%) in the 1^st Gok, 60(17.2%) in the 2^nd Gok and 53(15.2%) in the 4^th Gok are confirmed. The above five Goks contain 319(91.1%) stone inscriptions, so they have rich cultural landscape. Third, according to the survey, the number of the stone inscriptions existed in the Sugwangseok of the 1^st Gok are 41(22.6%), in the Homagan of Cheonyubong of the 6^th Gok are 29(8.3%), in the Jesiam of the 4^th Gok are 23(6.6%), in the Nyeongam of the 2^nd Gok are 22(6.3%), in the Hyangseongam of the 6^th Gok are 21(6%), in the Unwa of the 5^th Gok are 19(5.4%), in the Bokhoam of the 5^th Gok are 18(5.1%), in the Eunbyeongbong of the 5^th Gok are 17(4.9%), in the Daejangbong of the 4^th Gok are 14(4%), in the Daewangbong of the 1^st Gok and the Geumgokam of the 4^th Gok are 12(3.4%). Thus, a total of 228 (65.1%) stone inscriptions are concentrated in these 11 sites, which represent the popularity and cultural value of these rocks. Fourth, the stone inscription of Wuyi-Gugok, praising the landform and topographical geological landscape of Mount Wuyi, mainly describe the scenic name of each Gok related to Zhu Xi's Gugok culture, appreciate Zhu Xi's tracks and the stone inscription in the sacred land of Neo-Confucianism culture, and also record the Confucian edification of mencius thoughts, Muigun(武夷君) and the myths and legends related to the site names of Wuyi mountain, which can remind people of the worldview of the celestial paradise where the gods live and the fairyland of the land of peach blossoms. In addition, it indicates that the historical and cultural landscape, which is full of colorful history and myths and legends, including allusions related to Confucian, buddhist and Taoist celebrities and the ancestor ancient things related to traditional culture of China is very diverse. Fifth, the results of the classification, based on the content of the stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok, are classified as the scenery name inscription, the praise scene inscription, the recording travel inscription, the recording event inscription, the philosophy inscription, the expressing emotion inscription, the religion inscription, the inscription for auspiciousness, the slogan and expressing ambition inscription and the official document notice inscription, among which there are 102(29.1%) praise scene inscriptions, 93(26.6%) scenery name inscriptions and 61(17.4%) recording travel inscriptions. The stone inscriptions of Wuyi-Gugok have the characteristics of the special emphasis on scenery names, landscape praise and commemorative tours. Sixth, the analysis of the intertext between the 「Figure of Wuyi-Gugok」 and Wuyi-Gugok rock letters, in the study found that the method of propagation between media was mostly the method of propagation of quotations and maintained intermedia through extension, repetition, extension, and compression.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.17
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• pp.11-47
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• 1989

This study intends to examine the background and the procedure of the carving of the tablets of the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock­Lock(재조대장목록). the time and the route of the moving of the tablets. into Haein-sa, and the contents and the system of it. This study is mainly based on the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock. But the other closely related materials such as restored first. edition of the Dae- Jang-Mock-Lock, Koryo Sin-Jo-Dae-Jang-Byeol-Lock (고려신조대장교정별록). Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (개원석교록). Sok-Kae­Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (속개원석교록). Jeong-Won-Sin-Jeong-Seok-Kyo­Lock(정원신정석교록), Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock(속정원석교록), Dea-Jung-Sang-Bu-Beob-Bo-Lock(대중상부법보록), and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock(경우신수법보록), are also analysed and closely examined. The results of this study can be summarized as follows: 1. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana(고려대장경) was carved for the purpose of defending the country from Mongolia with the power of Buddhism, after the tablets of the first edition in Buin-sa(부이사) was destroyed by fire. 2. In 1236. Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(대장도감) was established, and the preparation for the recarving of the tablets such as comparison between the content, of the first edition of Tripitalk Koreana, Gal-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae­Jang-Kyeong and Kitan Dae- Jang-Kyeong, transcription of the original copy and the preparation of the wood, etc. was started. 3. In 1237 after the announcement of Dae-Jang-Gyeong-Gak-Pan-Gun­Sin-Gi-Go-Mun(대장경핵판군신석고문), the carving was started on a full scale. And seven years later (1243), Bun-Sa-Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(분사대장도감) was established in the area of the South to expand and hasten the work. And a large number of the tablets were carved in there. 4. It took 16 years to carve the main text and the supplements of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, the main text being carved from 1237 to 1248 and the supplement from 1244 to 1251. 5. It can be supposed that the tablets of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, stored in Seon-Won-Sa(선원사), Kang-Wha(강화), for about 140 years, was moved to Ji-Cheon-Sa(지천사), Yong-San(용산), and to Hae-In-Sa(해인사) again, through the west and the south sea and Jang-Gyeong-Po(장경포), Go-Ryeong(고령), in the autumn of the same year. 6. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana was carved mainly based on the first edition, comparing with Gae-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae-Jang-Kyeong(개보판대장경) and Kitan Dae-Jang-Kyeong(계단대장경). And the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock also compiled mainly based on the first edition with the reference to Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. 7. Comparing with the first edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock, in the second edition 7 items of 9 volumes of Kitan text such as Weol-Deung­Sam-Mae-Gyeong-Ron(월증삼매경론) are added and 3 items of 60 volumes such as Dae-Jong-Ji-Hyeon-Mun-Ron(대종지현문논) are substituted into others from Cheon chest(천함) to Kaeng chest(경함), and 92 items of 601 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added after Kaeng chest. And 4 items of 50 volumes such as Yuk-Ja-Sin-Ju-Wang-Kyeong(육자신주왕경) are ommitted in the second edition. 8. Comparing with Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Cheon chest to Young chest (영함) of the second edition is compiled according to Ib-Jang-Lock(입장록) of Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. But 15 items of 43 vol­umes such as Bul-Seol-Ban-Ju-Sam-Mae-Kyeong(불설반주삼매경) are ;added and 7 items of 35 volumes such as Dae-Bang-Deung-Dae-Jib-Il­Jang-Kyeong(대방등대집일장경) are ommitted. 9. Comparing with Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, 3 items of the 47 volumes (or 49 volumes) are ommitted and 4 items of 96 volumes are ;added in Caek chest(책함) to Mil chest(밀함) of the second edition. But the items are arranged in the same order. 10. Comparing with Dae- Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock, the arrangement of the second edition is entirely different from it. But 170 items of 329 volumes are also included in Doo chest(두함) to Kyeong chest(경함) of the second edition, and 53 items of 125 volumes in Jun chest(존함) to Jeong chest(정함). And 10 items of 108 volumes in the last part of Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock are ommitted and 3 items of 131 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added in the second edition. 11. Comparing with Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, all of the items (21 items of 161 volumes) are included in the second edition without ;any classificatory system. And 22 items of 172 volumes in the Seong­Hyeon-Jib-Jeon(성현집전) part such as Myo-Gak-Bi-Cheon(묘각비전) are ommitted. 12. The last part of the second edition, Joo chest(주함) to Dong chest (동함), includes 14 items of 237 volumes. But these items cannot be found in any other former Buddhist catalog. So it might be supposed as the Kitan texts. 13. Besides including almost all items in Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and all items in Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo­Beob-Bo-Lock, and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock includes more items, at least 20 items of about 300 volumes of Kitan Tripitaka and 15 items of 43 volumes of traditional Korean Tripitake that cannot be found any others. Therefore, Tripitaka Koreana can be said as a comprehensive Tripitaka covering all items of Tripitakas translated in Chinese character.