• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.93-123
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• 2017

The Buddhist dance, which is considered to be the essence of Korean folk dance, has changed and developed over many years, having profound influential relations with Buddhism in terms of its origin, source, title, and costumes. Today the Buddhist dance is performed in two fixed types, Jangsam dance and Buk dance, but it is estimated that there must have been various forms of Buddhist dance during the Japanese rule based on the its historicity and various origination theories. It was around 1940 that Jang Yang-seon, the master of Haejugwonbeon, turned 'Seungininsangmu' into a work through Yang So-woon. The present study analyzed the video of 'Seungininsangmu' performed at the 'Performance in the Memory of Yang So-woon' in 2010, and the analysis results were as follows: first, the dance has a clear message to be delivered in its title and connotes an origination theory of Buddhist dance, which argues that the Buddhist dance was created by a Buddhist that underwent agony and corruption during his ascetic practice and later returned to Buddhism. Secondly, the process of Jangsam dance - Buknori - Bara dance - Heoteun dance - Hoisimgok - Guiui shows the thematic consciousness of the dance clearly in a sequential manner. Finally, the dance was in a form of combining various expressive methods according to the story and its development including the Bara dance, a dance performed in a Buddhist ceremony, the Heoteun dance, which is strongly characterized by individuality and spontaneity that are folk features, and Hoisimgok, the Buddhist music. Those findings indicate that the dance reflected well the flow of putting the Buddhist dance on the stage or turning it into a work in the early 20th century. Compared with the types of Buddhist dance in a strong form including the Jangsam dance and Buk dance, 'Seungininsangmu' conveys the meanings that the original Buddhist dance tried to express in terms of content and reflects on the diversity of combined Akgamu and theatrical elements in terms of form. The present study is significant in that it offers many implications for the Buddhist dance capable of future-oriented development.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.2 s.42
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• pp.7-20
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• 2005

Ceremony is important to Buddhism as a part of the religious practice. Buddhist ceremony is a kind of discipline and it rules the Chan monastery life. This discipline, called $\ulcorner$Qinggui(淸規)$\lrcorner$ also forms a part of the practice for enlightenment in the Chan monastery(禪宗). Qinggui is derived from $\ulcorner$Baizhang's monastic code(百丈淸規)$\lrcorner$ which no longer exists. $\ulcorner$Chanyuan qinggui(禪院淸規)$\lrcorner$ is considered the oldest surviving Chinese monastic discipline. Its success is partly due to the emphasis in the Chan monastery on the succession of monks to abbot hood. Qinggui has been called the only discipline in Buddhist monastic life in religion. Whether it is also the discipline of the architectural space of the Chan temples is the focus of this thesis. The examination of this assumption may expand the meaning of Qinggui as embodying not only the religious form of discipline but also a fundamental part of the architectural archive. The majority of the buildings in the Chan monastery in Qinggui are related to $\ulcorner$Five Mountains Ten Checks figures$\lrcorner$. Most of all, it can be clarified that the elements of Qinggui are expressed through the analysis of the activities in each building. This proves that Qinggui has become a stipulation not only for the regulation of the monastery life but also the architectural code of the Chan temples. In conclusion, this study shows how the meaning of ceremony and monastery life in $\ulcorner$Chanyuan qinggui$\lrcorner$ can be expanded to include the design program of temples. The research proves that there is a basic code in the Chan temples for designing the structure of the monastery space. Similarly, $\ulcorner$Five Mountains Ten Checks Figures$\lrcorner$ was a diagram for examination and analysis as well as a tool for creating drawings of the temples in the Song era.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.29
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• pp.55-84
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• 2012

This paper is to study the Tang Dynasty monk poet Ling-yi's poem world and his significance on history of literature. In Chinese literature history, "the monk poets" is a very unique literature creation group. The means of a word "the monk poet", from the literal can see " he is the monk that Can write poems", which is dedicated to professionally writing poetry monk. Buddhism spread to China, from the Wei and Jin Dynasty beginning has been writing poetry of the monks, but the real meaning of "the monk poet" (i.e., professionally poetry monk) appeared to the Mid-Tang Dynasty period. The monk Ling-yi is the pioneer of the monk poets group and Buddist monk creative poem in Mid-tang Dynasty period. Although the Lingyi life is very short, only 35 had died, and his poetry has not been too much, only 44 songs, but he in this life of 35 years and 44 poems, for the development of classical Chinese poetry left noticeable imprinting. He is not just as monk's high practice and by advocating for great Buddhist scholar, also through the daily meditation in poetry creation practice were obtained at that time of many men of literature and writing respected. This paper from the poem monk Ling-yi double identity - the first is a Buddhist monk, the second is addicted to poetry poet to proceed, step by step, in-depth study as the poem monk Ling-yi's poetry creation characteristic and the creative mentality characteristics. This thesis also explores the poem monk by the creation of poetry pursuit, exploration, finally realized "poem" and "Zen" together as one "Zen poetry" creation mechanism.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.151-160
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• 2018

There is a variety of opinions about the first translation activities within the Turkic Empire. It is widely believed that some Buddhist sutras were translated into the Turkic language in the period of Taspar Qagan (572-581). This theory is based on certain arguments: Some Turks practiced Buddhism, Buddhist monks translated sutras in the center of the Turkic Empire, Taspar brought sutras from China and had them translated, and the monarch of Northern Qi had a sutra translated and sent to Taspar. However, in my opinion, these arguments lack credibility. This article, which is based on primary Chinese sources, will question the likelihood of such translation activities having occurred. Some Chinese records for these claims exist: Da Tang Nei Dian Lu (大唐內典錄) and Xu Gao Seng Chuan (續高僧傳) by the Buddhist monk Jinagupta and the records of Hui Lin in Sui Shu (隋書) and Wen Xian Tong Kao (文獻通考). These are known as "primary sources." Secondary sources, namely contemporary history and language studies, such as those in books and articles, must be based on primary sources. It can be seen that claims relating to the first Turkic translation activities at the time of Taspar are mainly derived from secondary sources, and that the arguments in these secondary sources vary. Sometimes researchers make suppositions on the existence of information that is not referred to in primary sources. However, this is not normal practice. If a researcher relies on unknowns for the evidence of information existing, it can cause false information, ideas and anachronisms to be created. It is important that primary sources, such as the Chinese sources mentioned above, be translated correctly in language and history studies. If only a word is mistranslated, very different results may occur. Mistranslating or misinterpreting a primary source allows conclusions to be reached that are not supported by dissemination of information from primary sources. This can mislead experts and result in information that is not correct being considered as being true. As well as helping to prevent such misinterpretations occurring, another aim of this paper is to question the interpretations of the first Turkic translations in contemporary studies on history and language. The origin of such assessments will be explored and the validity of that information will be examined.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.23-44
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to present a desirable model of memorial rites on the basis of their essential significance, as recognized by middle-aged housewives. This study was based on an interview survey that was conducted with 40 housewives in their 40's and 50's who live in Seoul. The interviews were carried out from August 1, 2009 to October 20, 2009, using a semi-structured questionnaire. The main results of this study can be summarized as follows: First, the middle-aged housewives recognized the significance of memorial rites as an expression of their sincerity, or as a cultural demonstration of affection commemorating their ancestors. Secondly, the housewives mentioned possible changes to different memorial rites depending on the will of their children's generation. These included a grafting of different memorial rites between religions, or a shift of the memorial rites to a religious institution or a memorial facility, in addition to maintaining the current practice in one's home. Thirdly, we proposed memorial rites that are carried out in one's home (Confucian, Christian, Confucian plus Catholic, or Confucian plus Buddhist style), a religious institution (Catholic church or Buddhist temple), and a memorial facility (arboretum, graveyard or enshrine facility).

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.169-195
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• 2014

This paper presents an investigation into cross-cultural transfiguration of Buddhist faith in Goryeo Dynasty, with a focus on $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra that used to be in vogue in East Asia. There are three major types of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith in Goryeo: the first one was concerned about the scripture itself including its citation and publication and the compilation of its annotation books; the second one involved establishing Buddhist rituals related to the scripture; and the final one was to create Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles with Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Volume 7 of the scripture engraved in stone. While it was the common practice to engrave Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in China, the number of stone poles on which Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ was engraved was overwhelmingly large. There are a couple of reasons behind the difference: first, there was a tendency of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ being worshiped at the national level in Goryeo, which probably explains why the percentage of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles designed to pray for a personal mass for the dead by engraving Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ on a stone pole was considerably low. In addition, there were esoteric sects in Goryeo, and it is estimated that they must have got involved in the establishment of Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles in the former half of Goryeo. Furthermore, the Zen sects had a deep non-Zen understanding of Esoteric Buddhism and tended to practice Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Goryeo. It is estimated that Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles were set up in large numbers in Goryeo as the prevalence of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith that continued on since the former half of Goryeo was combined with the Zen sects' active position about Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.67-87
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• 2016

The paper has tried to analyze the sense of 'meta-praxis' in the educational discourse. Against the dichotomy of theory vs practice, the senses of practice and 'meta-praxis' can be hold under the Greek conception of human activities such as theoria, poiesis and praxis. We can establish the meaning of meta-praxis contrasted with one of metaphysics, not with one of meta-theory. Some significant points included in the concept then have been minutely examined so as to lead us to get the recursive structure and practicability. The Buddhist notion such as 'Well-Rounded Discretion' and the linguistic one such as 'Grand Father' throw light on the educational practice and discourse. These are ones that we never fail to recognize in terms of 'meta-praxis'.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.159-183
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• 2011

This study is for the understanding of the role of fortunetelling and the "Scripture of Fortunetelling(占察經)" through the relationship between the manners and customs of Koreans and the Buddhist Scripture dealing with the fortunetelling. It is meaningful to understand how it is related with Buddhism. As a result, I perceived that Koreans have lived with fortunetelling and that the role of fortunetelling in from private person to the country. I saw there were four big roles; to clean the uncertainty of the future to fulfill the expectations, to confirm the justice of what he or she did, to cure, and to choice. Looking into "Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms(三國遺事)", I see that the Scripture of Fortunetelling and the ceremony of fortunetelling was popular and those great monks such as Wongwang, Wonhyo, Jinpyo and Jihye presided these ceremonies. The structure of the "Scripture of Fortunetelling(占察經)" has the hierarchy of Fortunetelling, Penance, Practice, Awakening, and Salvation of the world. So fortunetelling motivated every stage of practice. The role of fortunetelling in "Scripture of Fortunetelling(占察經)" is to intermediate. For this purpose it divided the attitude for the fortunetelling into two categories; for the urgent real life and just for enjoying. But they seriously dealt with both results. They used the fortunetelling in order to accomplish the ultimate purpose of Buddhism. So the fortunetelling is a mean of propagation of Buddhism and a intermediary of awakening and salvation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.277-313
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• 2017

This study is to find out the correlation with buddhist music after analyzing the rhythm of six pieces of PanYeombul sung by Kim Janggil out of Ogu exorcism of East coast the findings summarized are as follows. First, PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, performed on Oct, 16, 2016, was composed of , , , , , , , , , , and . Still, even if PanYeombul is performed by the same male shaman, the composition can be added or left out depending on some circumstances, which means the procedures are flexible. Seeing that there is common component of in additoin to compared with Kimyongtaek, it can be said that the component of is an important part in PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast Second, is usually referred to 'SinmyojangguDaedalani' in buddhist ritual, While Kim yongtaek accepts this practice in title, Kim Janggil uses 'YeomhwajangguDaedalani' as the title which makes his song different from others. Yeomhwa means "picking up flowers with fingers" which has been used in buddhism, not in common Considering this fact, the conclusion can be reached that by using the term 'Daedalani' from a buddhist chant, but making differentiation from buddhism, Kim Janggil is making the effort to be different from buddhist rituals. give some unique meaning to shaman rituals. Third, PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast may be divided into two main parts - the former part is PanYeombul and the latter part is Jiokga. In performing PanYeombul, male shaman sits singing alone and playing Jing himself, on the other hand, in case of Jiokga, he stands singing a solo with gwaeggwari in his hand accompanied by other musicians with the rhythm of Samgongjaebi. As the song and the accompaniment are in the form of giving and taking like duet. it is in peak in terms of music. Accordingly, PanYeombul can be divided into PanYeombul and Jiokga, But since it is performed by one male shaman and sung a solo, it is usually seen as one procedure. Jing, which is a kind of accompaniment in PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, has the role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph. When the buddhist chant with one word-one note is performed. it requires the performer to catch his or her breath or clear throat. Just then, Jing comes out for filling out the intervals. Also, its role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph helps make it clear to deliver words. The rhythm of Jing is mostly made up of small triple time except equal small binary time, comes out with overwhelmingly more frequency of Sutsoe(♪♩) than Amsoe(♩♪), and often shows syncopation. By often using Off Beat or short-long rhythm even in accompaniment of equal small binary time, he tris to give some variation to monotonous and equal rhythm for the musical vitality. These are similar to Sutsoe rhythm which can evoke tension and Kim Janggil makes these things his characierisiic of rhythm. Fifth, all the pieces consist of mi, sol, la, do, re and the descending melody like do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi appears most frequently. The descending melody usually arouses the feeling of sorrow, so the sadness for the deceased is presented properly, which suggests his musical talent. Generally, pieces take on Menari-tori as a whole where the length of sol appears for a short time in descending la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi of perfect four degrees. Sixth, Even he accepts the lines of buddhist chant, he changes them in some degree. For example, he inserted some words between lines like 'Wonwangsaeng' and 'NamuAmitabul' and added Korean words like hapsosa to the lines of buddhist service written in Chinese character. Also, he inserted some words like 'iiiiiii~' to express the feeling of sadness. These are to maximize the desire of the deceased to go to the heaven and at the same time to diminish the sign of buddhism and strengthen the features of shamanism. Seventh, the effort to decrease the sign of buddhism is made in pasting lines of two songs. For example, Between the last words 'Wonsuaenapsu of Dage and the first words 'Jisimgwimyeongrye' of Chiljeongrye, there is usually a short pause to distinguish paragraphs, But he continues two songs without any pause to get rid of the feelings of buddhist chant. In terms of melody, he makes a distance from buddhist chant in an effort that he gives some traits to shaman rituals which are different from buddhist even if he uses the lines of buddhist rituals. Eighth, the analyzed pieces can be in four categories - no regular melody , , equal small binary time , eotmori melody of ten eighth time with 3+2+3+2 mixed small time . and Samgongjaebi melody 3+2+3 mixed small time . Each piece has its unique melody. Although of buddhist ritual is often performed, by using eotmori melody, he evokes the feeling of shaman and is another example of giving unique characteristic to the shaman of East coast by using Samgongjaebi melody.