• 제목/요약/키워드: Buddhist Practice

검색결과 47건 처리시간 0.02초

웰빙으로서의 불교 -깨달음의 불교에서 행복의 불교로 (Buddhism and Well-Being -From Buddhism for the Enlightenment to Buddhism for Happiness.)

  • 조성택
    • 대순사상논총
    • /
    • 제19권
    • /
    • pp.145-163
    • /
    • 2005
  • What is Buddhism for? Is the enlightenment the only valid goal of the Buddhist practice? In answering to such questions, this article attempts to challenge the traditional Buddhist notion on the enlightenment, which has been believed to be the utmost and unquestionable, the final goal of Buddhist practice. This article argues that the enlightenment as the final goal of Buddhist practice resulted from religious atmosphere of the ancient India, where the society was bifurcated with the lay and monks. Moreover, nirvana, the final enlightenment with no-more-rebirth, was not the goal of all the Buddhists, but the goal of a few, religious elites. In modern society, where the role of lay people becomes more and more important the Buddhist goal for the enlightenment needs to be reevaluated and to change, from the enlightenment to happiness.

  • PDF

남전 율장의 가사 계율에 관한 고찰 (A Study on the Kasaya Rule of Southern Vinaya-Pitaka)

  • 박일록
    • 한국가정과학회지
    • /
    • 제3권1호
    • /
    • pp.1-14
    • /
    • 2000
  • This paper is on the Kasaya that reveals conspicuously the religious meaning among the Korean Buddhist costumes. The Kasaya has the most special meaning among Korean costume culture. It has the most important historical value, for Buddhism is the oldest religion that begins at 4th century A.D.. It has the most unordinary shape that we could not find any other costume culture. It has very important meaning to study on the Kasaya in the religious and cultural history of Korean costume. We have to study Korean Kasaya from surveying Indian Buddhist Kasaya diachronicaly. Buddha establishes himself the rules of weaving, coloring and wearing Kasaya. Bunso costume(분소의)is the first shape of Kasaya that he has worn during his ascetic practice. Bunso costume was a kind of shari. It is made with diapers those clean ordure of baby It symbolizes the life of ascetic practice. However Buddha could not stick to it as the only costume of monks. From his age Buddhist devotees have thought Buddha and monks as sacred beings. So they eagerly want to Provide the sacred beings with foods. clothes and other things that samgha(승가) need to live and accomplish their duties. At that time there are many kings, aristocracies and rich merchants among the devotees. They often offered them the luxurious silk Kasaya. that the ascetic monks could not wear. to express their deep faith. So the rules of the samgha has been distorted. The samgha has enlarged day by day as a great huge religious association. There are many different shapes of Kasaya. The Buddhist samgha need to establish a minute and rigid rules of Kasaya to order living of monks and to teach the moral and educational life to ordinary people. That book of rule is Vinaya pitaka(율장) . There are many kinds of Vinaya pitaka. This paper surveys the rules of Kasaya from Southern Vinaya pitaka(남전율장). This study will be the basic ground to research the Korean Buddhist Kasaya.

  • PDF

새로운 불교학 연구의 지평을 위하여

  • 조성택
    • 대순사상논총
    • /
    • 제16권
    • /
    • pp.151-166
    • /
    • 2003
  • Contemporary Buddhist scholarship in Korea has been strongly affected by its origins in the Victorian era, when Western religious scholars sought to rationalize and historicize the study of religion. Modern Korean scholars, trained within the Western scholarly paradigm, share this prejudice which tends toward the rational. The result is a skewed understanding of Buddhism, emphasizing its philosophical and theoretical aspects at the expense of seemingly "irrational" religious elements based on the direct experience of meditation practice. This paper seeks to look at the historical context in which modern Korean Buddhist scholarship had been shaped during the colonial period of Japan. Two case studies will be examined particularly in the light of post-colonial perspectives of Buddhist studies: the case of Jonghong Bak(1903-1976) and the case of Donghwa Gim(1902-1980), two pioneering scholars in the field of Buddhist studies. They share similarities as well as differences. Both were born and active at almost the same period, during which Korean peninsula experienced modernization forced upon by Japanese colonialism. And thus, the experience of colonialism and modernization brought them into conflict between tradition and modernity. Their responses, however, were different. Pak, originally trained in Western philosophy, especially German philosophy, wanted to study Korean Buddhism in the context of the so-called Korean Philosophy per se. He was motivated to seek for the national and cultural identity of Korea. And thus his scholarship on Korean Buddhism naturally led him to look for an original Korean Buddhism distinct from the Buddhism of India, China and Japan. On the other hand, Gim, who became a monk in his youth, later went to Japan for college where he was exposed to modern Buddhist scholarship. He was the first to introduce modern Buddhist scholarship to Korea, and since then, contemporary Korean Buddhist scholarship owes much to his contributions. Despite his contributions to contemporary Korean Buddhist scholarship, if we look at his efforts in the light of post-colonial perspective, his ideas need to be reevaluate.

  • PDF

서울 지역 비구니 스님의 식생활과 건강상태에 대한 조사 연구 (A Study of Dietary Life and State of Health of Buddhist Nuns in the Seoul Area)

  • 박혜윤;이심열;이윤희
    • 동아시아식생활학회지
    • /
    • 제12권5호
    • /
    • pp.343-351
    • /
    • 2002
  • This survey was conducted to investigate the dietary behavior and health status of Buddhist nuns. In this study, 100 Buddhist nuns in Seoul were selected. The dietary survey was focused on the diet in winter. The age distribution was as follows; 24% of the subjects were in their 20s, 45% in their 30s, 23% in their 40s, and 8% in their 50's and over, respectively. The percentage of the subjects living in temples close to the downtown area was 77% and the rest resided in areas remote to the downtown area. Over fifty percent of the subjects were satisfied with their diet at temple. And 59% of the subjects were eating a snack more than once a day. The snacks included fruits (60%), raditional tea (20%), coffee (9%), bread and cookies (4%), md rice cakes (3%), etc. Among food groups, the intake of green-vegetables and fruits were the highest and intake of milk and bean products were low which may cause calcium and protein deficiency. Most of the subjects believed that their health conditions were average or above average. About 50% of subjects didn't exercise at all. The frequencies of gastro-intestinal diseases and anemia were extremely high. About 50% of subjects took some form of medicine. To improve their health and nutritional status, it is required that they practice a good dietary behavior, maintain a balanced diet, and exercise regularly.

  • PDF

한국의 육식문화 (Meat Eating Practice in Korea)

  • 임장혁
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
    • /
    • 제33권
    • /
    • pp.274-289
    • /
    • 2000
  • Koryo Dynasty has greatly effected the meat eating practice in Korea. And by focusing on this period, this paper has in vestigated how this practice influenced and effected our meat eating culture. The 'Orders to Prohibit Butchery' written on Koryo's history books were to encourage stockbreeding rather than to follow the Buddhist policy they followed. By encouraging stockbreeding, they wanted to promote the usage of cattle in farming and thus increasing agriculture industry as a whole. Nonetheless, records show that hunting was permitted to a certain degree. And this allowed the civilians to depend their meat supply from hunting and for the fire field farmers to capture wild animals that harmed their crops. Moreover, through 'Kiwujae' (Kiwujae - a shamans service to pray for rain / ritual (praying) for rain.), we could see that earlier part of Karyo's rituals and ceremonies followed the Buddhist tradition while the latter followed the Shamanism tradition. Perhaps this was the result of allowing 'meat' for the service offerings. As Shamanism could be considered as a religion that allowed 'meat', prevalence of Shamanism was promoting meat-eating at mess(after these rituals and ceremonies that offered food (meat inclusive) to their guardian or god, the civilians would dine together.). In relation, this public eating practice slowed down the progress for storage technique. Therefore, meat-eating was developed through public and mass dining rather than through the form of family or private. On this account, we can safely regard meat-eating practice as a 'public event'. On the other hand, the history of castration is not so long in Korea. And the purpose of such practice was to use the stock for farming rather than to yield high quality meat. It is known that Mongol in Koryo period has greatly influenced meat cooking in Korea. And the exemplary dish is the 'tang' (tang - kind of soup. However less creamy, clearer broth and with more ingredients than soup.). However, the tang we ate in everyday life had the same cooking method as the tang we offered for services. Moreover, since we did not use castrated animals for our offering as the Mongolians, we must not have been greatly influenced by them. But if so, perhaps the influences would have been limited to the nobility.

조선 15~17세기 수륙재(水陸齋)에 대한 유신(儒臣)의 기록과 시각 매체 (The Joseon Confucian Ruling Class's Records and Visual Media of Suryukjae (Water and Land Ceremony) during the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Centuries)

  • 정명희
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
    • /
    • 제53권1호
    • /
    • pp.184-203
    • /
    • 2020
  • 조선 개국 후 유교적 가치관으로 성장한 통치 계급에게 불교 의례는 이른바 '위험한 축제'로 인식되었다. 의례는 출생에서 죽음에 이르는 삶의 중요한 전환점에서 다음 단계로의 이행을 도왔고, 제의를 통해 공동체의 결속을 강하게 했다. 의례 공간에는 도량을 신비로운 공간으로 변화시키는 다양한 공양구와 기물이 장엄되고 범음구와 범패가 어우러졌다. 그 중에서도 불교 회화는 기층민에게 강한 효력을 지닌 시각 매체로 적극 활용되었다. 생사의 인과응보를 담은 <시왕도>의 사례에서 볼 수 있듯이 의식이 마련된 도량에 불화를 헌괘하고 이를 생생하게 설명해주는 '관청(觀聽)'에 대한 수요로 불화의 기능은 더욱 확대되었다. 천도 의례 장면을 담은 <감로도>에는 왕실과 종친의 모습이 강조되어 표현되었다. 중국의 수륙화에서 이 도상은 수륙재에 봉청(奉請)하는 존귀한 대상 중 한 그룹이었으나 16세기 <감로도>에는 왕실의 후원을 상징하며 국행 수륙재의 역사성과 전통을 입증하는 존재로 도해된다. 왕실 후원은 불교 의례에 대한 사회적 공인과 같았고, 이러한 메시지를 드러내고 싶은 흔적이 <감로도>에 남아있다. 의례에 대한 위정자(爲政者)들의 경계는 표면적으로는 군중이 참여하는 의례 공간에 승속(僧俗), 남녀, 신분의 귀천(貴賤)이 함께 어우러지기에 예의가 무너지고 풍기가 문란해질 것이라는 우려였다. 또한 일상으로부터의 일탈, 금기로 부터의 해방이라는 축제의 요소와도 밀접한 관련이 있다. 시각 매체는 특별한 힘을 지니고 있다고 인식되었기에 그 힘을 이용하고자 하는 측과 위험성을 우려하는 시선이 공존했다. 실록(實錄)의 기록에서 위험성을 강조하며 불화를 불태우고 불화를 그린 자를 잡아오도록 하는 일련의 조치나, 도성이 텅 비도록 군중들이 모여든 기록은 역설적이게도 불교 의례가 반드시 참여해야 하는 축제의 장으로 인식됐음을 반증한다. 불교 의례는 생의 순환 단계에서 유교가 대체할 수 없는 종교적 기능을 지니고 있기에 쉽게 사라질 수 없었고, 공동체를 통합하는 축제의 요소는 더욱 강화되었다. 조선 후기 <감로도>에는 17세기부터 본격화되는 사당패나 연희패가 도해되고 의례의 현장감이 생생하게 반영되었다. 불행한 죽음을 위로하던 불교 의식은 해마다 일정한 시기에 마련되어 일상의 고단함을 털고 휴식을 취할 수 있는 축제의 장으로 자리 잡았다. 유교 국가의 정책적 탄압에 '위험한 축제'로 인식되던 불교 의례가 정례적인 세시풍속이자 공동체의 축제로 수용되는 과정을 불교 회화에 재현된 시선의 변화에서 확인할 수 있다.

3D 애니메이션을 이용한 불교 상징성의 초현실주의적 표현 (The Surrealist Expression of Buddhist Symbolism Using 3D Computer Animation)

  • 이현석
    • 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
    • /
    • 제14권9호
    • /
    • pp.93-101
    • /
    • 2014
  • 본 저자가 제작한 애니메이션 영상 작품 '천년' (1000 years)은 2011년 해인사에서 열린 '대장경 천년 세계문화축전'의 프로그램 중 '해인아트 국제현대미술전'에서 전시상영 되었으며, 관객의 많은 호응이 있었다. 이는, 불교의 상징적 소재를 초현실주의적 기법의 애니메이션 영상으로 표현하여 불교의 내면세계를 구현하였기 때문이다. 이에 본 논문의 목적은 불교의 내면세계가 초현실주의적 표현의 애니메이션을 통해 어떻게 구현되었으며, 그 영상 예술적 특성은 무엇인지 알아보고자 한다. 이를 위해, 첫째, 초현실주의 표현 기법과 이에 대한 인식적 수용, 그리고, 영상예술매체로써의 애니메이션의 특성에 대해 고찰하였다. 이를 바탕으로 분석기준을 도출하여, 둘째, '천년' 영상 속의 연출된 장면을 중심으로 그 특성을 분석 및 검증하고자 한다. 이를 통해, 초현실주의적 작풍과 애니메이션의 기능적 특성이 인간의 무의식 속의 환영적 이미지를 용이하게 구현할 수 있으며, 이와 연계하여 불교의 초월적 정신세계를 효과적으로 구현함을 알 수 있었다. 본 연구는 저자의 작품과 관련한 이론적 배경에 대한 문헌을 조사하고, 제시한 가설을 영상 작품을 통해 증명하는 작품 사례연구로 진행되었음을 밝혀둔다.

산림치유효과의 불교적 고찰 (A Buddhist Study on the Effect of Forest Healing)

  • 서병찬
    • 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
    • /
    • 제20권4호
    • /
    • pp.540-552
    • /
    • 2020
  • 본 연구는 산림치유를 불교적 관점에서 분석하여 그 효과를 향상시키는데 목적이 있다. 숲은 어떤 종교보다도 불교와 깊은 인연과 밀접한 관계를 맺고 있다. 붓다의 일생은 숲과 나무와 이어져 있으며, 이는 숲의 영성적 본질과 역할에 기인한다. 치유(治癒)란 심신(心身)의 고통문제를 다루는 것으로 불교에서는 실천수행법을 통해서 해결한다. 감각제어에 대한 생각, 탐욕, 좋지 않는 감정 등 망상이 일어나는 현상을 정확하게 이해함으로써 불필요한 자극이나 외부대상을 추구하려는 욕망에서 벗어나게 해준다. 인간은 아름다운 자연경관 속에서 오감(五感)을 통해 감각기관상의 쾌적함과 즐거움을 얻을 수 있으며, 마음의 안정을 찾게 된다. 산림(숲)에 들어가면 오감의 작동으로 제 6 의식(意識)이 망상(妄想)을 자라지 못하도록 하는 좋은 환경들이 숲속에 들어있기 때문이다. 본 연구는 산림이라는 자연 환경적 치유인자와 불교이론에 근거한 효과를 선행연구를 토대로 분석한 예비연구다. 불교가 산림치유에 미치는 치유효과를 극대화할 수 있는지를 고찰한 결과, 기존 산림치유기법과 더불어 활성화에 기여할 수 있음을 확인하였다. 그 효과성 검증은 차후 실험연구 등을 통한 후속연구과제로 남겨두고 본 연구가 산림치유효과의 활성화에 기여할 수 있기를 기대한다.

19세기와 20세기 초 염불당(念佛堂)의 수용 (The Adaptation of Architectural Facility for Buddhānusmrti in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries)

  • 김지헌;전봉희
    • 건축역사연구
    • /
    • 제28권6호
    • /
    • pp.31-42
    • /
    • 2019
  • The harsh economic conditions of Buddhist temples in late Joseon dynasty, and the prevalence of the Buddhānusmrti(念佛) practice, which is a practice of reciting Amita Buddha(阿彌陀佛), led Buddhist temples to organize the Buddhānusmrti association(念佛契) in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For the practices and the activities of organization, an architectural facility was required; thereby, many temples had a Yeombul-dang(念佛堂). However, only a few of the Yeombul-dang have survived and are known today. This research investigates the ways temples tried to acquire Yeombul-dang buildings during the period and their architecture characteristics by reviewing historical records and documentary works of literature. In this research, Yeombul-dang is found to have various types of building names and building forms. Different hall names such as Amitābha Hall(佛殿), Yosa(寮舍) and Daebang(大房) were used as Yeonbul-dang. The commonalities and differences in terms of building forms, spatial elements composition and layouts were found depending on how they were acquired. The Yeombul-dang were most commonly built as multi-complex buildings consisting of worshiping rooms and residential areas. Most of Yeombul-dang were located in the central areas of the temple site. On this basis, this research suggests the possibility that many Yeombul-dang is still being used under different names and for different purposes.

Myanmar Traditional View on Civil Society

  • Thant, Mo Mo
    • 수완나부미
    • /
    • 제5권2호
    • /
    • pp.67-80
    • /
    • 2013
  • A widely shared view identifies civil society with the set of nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations. This tradition reflects a long history of social theory viewed in institutional terms. Myanmar society has developed, mainly based on Buddhist culture and tradition. Buddhist practice necessitates public validation within an economy of merit in which moral action earns future rewards. Myanmar private voluntary associations have, since ancient times, played a vital role in achieving social purposes. Buddhist monasteries were the main education institutions in Myanmar. Until today, monastic schools, or monastic education centers as they are often called, have been the most important civil-society institutions bridging the accessibility gap in the state-run education system in government-controlled areas. Apart from social or community based that serve for public health in Myanmar there has been a number of religious organizations serving for the same. Moreover there appeared an association to very differently help those who need much urgent help. Since military coup in 1962, however, successive regimes have sought to stamp out civil society and permit only state-controlled organizations. Civil society re-emerged during the nation-wide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988. After 1988 civil societies are allowed as like a political party to form. Now a day some civil societies have worked to start small-scale projects addressing local problems, but they must stay clear of politics.

  • PDF