• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.35 no.3 s.99
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• pp.220-231
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• 2002

The fish fauna and Community were surveyed from April 2000 to September 2001 at 23 stations in the nam river, the first tributary located to the lower reach of the Nakdong River system. During the study period, 39 species belonging to 29 genera and 11 families were collected. Of which 14 species are endemic species or subspecies in Korea. Introduced species from other river system, O. bidens had not been collected at all after the report of Yang (1973) but many individuals were captured at main stream and tributary in this survey. Introduced species from abroad M. salmoides increased at most of stations. Dominant species in main stream were Z. platypus, O. bidens and H. labeo. On the contrary, Z. temmincki, Z. platypus and S. gracilis majimae dominated the tributaries. Diversity indices of main stream and tributaries were 0,979 and 0.966 respectively. St. 3 of main stream and St.1 and 16 of tributaries had high diversity indices (1.05, 0.962, 0.956) and lower dominant indices (0.102, 0.369, 0.200). As a whole, dominant index was 0.160, diversity index 1.044 and evenness index 0.656. It indicated that the community structure of this river was stable and diverse relatively.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.9-20
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• 2022

Supply chain attacks target critical infrastructure, causing large amounts of damage and evolving into a threat to public safety and national security. Accordingly, when establishing cybersecurity strategies and policies, supply chain risk management is specified to enhance security, and the US Biden administration recently issued the Executive Order on Improving the Nation's Cybersecurity, SBOM was mentioned as part of the guidelines for strengthening software supply chain security. If the government mandates SBOM and uses it as a security verification tool for supply chains, it can be affected by the domestic procurement system in the future and can be referenced when establishing a security system for domestic supply chains according to the progress of policy implementation. Accordingly, in this paper, countries that are promoting the SBOM policy as a way to strengthen the security of the software supply chain were selected and analyzed with a focus on related cases. In addition, through comparison and analysis of foreign SBOM policy trends, methods for using domestic SBOM in terms of technology, policy, and law were considered. As the value of using SBOM as a supply chain integrity/transparency verification tool is expected in the future, it is necessary to continuously identify trends in the establishment of international standardization and policy development for SBOM and study the standard format.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.459-468
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• 2022

This study searched and analyzed news and information on the Korea-U.S. Summit to explore which political agenda is spreading among Korean newspapers and social media. The result of the analysis revealed that, on the one hand, the conservative-leaning newspaper, Chosunilbo, covered the unresolved issue between two countries. The principal source of news was the opposition party. On the other hand, the progressive-leaning newspaper, Kyunghany Sinmun, highlighted President Moon's visit to the United States and described the visit to the United States as an achievement. In this paper, the principal source of news is the ruling party. Both conservative and the progressive newspapers did not present a negative view of the United States. In the case of Chosunilbo, it mentioned that foreign policy priority of President Biden is human rights in North Korea. If the two countries do not solve this issue, the relationship between Korea and the United States will not develop further. Second, I searched YouTube videos about the Korea-U.S. summit and conducted a network analysis to understand the influence of YouTube videos and explore their relationship the each other. The results of the analysis revealed that the 10 most influential videos portrayed the Moon government positively. These videos held the achievement of the visit to the United States in highly esteem and framed it positively, similarly to the progressive newspaper.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.115-144
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• 2023

Under the Trump administration, the U.S. has made clear that "China is America's strategic competitor, revisionist power and a major challenge to America's prosperity and security." The Biden administration has largely inherited this perception of China. China has also responded without backing down. Therefore, the U.S.-China strategic competition has become the most important background factor in the international system and has a great impact on the security situation in Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, if you look at the recent process of establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, we can find that ROK's foreign strategy adjustment has played a key role. This is because establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan depends on improving ROK-Japan relations. And the Yoon Suk Yeol government is pushing for rapid improvement in ROK-Japan relations regardless of domestic political constraints. The trilateral summit at Camp David laid the groundwork for future cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan in security and other broader areas. China is strongly dissatisfied with the formation of trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan. However, this paper argues that although ROK agrees to form trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, ROK's strategic objectives are not exactly the same as those of the U.S. and Japan. For example, looking back at the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance after the end of the Cold War, both the U.S. and Japan share similar views and perceptions of China's rise. The real goal of the strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance in recent years is also how to cope with China's rise. On the other hand, ROK's previous administrations have been negative about trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan. This is because ROK's main strategic goal is to reduce or eliminate threats from DPRK rather than respond to China. Faced with increasing DPRK's provocations and threats, more than half of South Koreans are in favor of reinforcing trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan to contain or mitigate threats from DPRK. As a result, if North Korea's nuclear and missile threats to ROK continue, then ROK's foreign strategy is likely to be to strengthen trilateral security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan to ensure its own safety and survival. If China wants to reduce the strategic pressure from the trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, the best way is to reduce DPRK's provocations and threats to ROK and play a more substantive role in getting DPRK to give up its nuclear program.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.