• Journal of Conservation Science
• /
• v.38 no.4
• /
• pp.314-326
• /
• 2022

Investigation of conservation status, optical survey, infrared thermography, and ultrasonic examination were performed on Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva mural and Buddhist Monk Bodhidharma mural to determine the conservation status and physical properties. As a result of investigation of conservation status, the types of damage are largely divided into the wall and finishing layer damage, painting layer degradation, damage due to restoration materials, stains and contamination, and biological damage. As a result of the optical survey, drawing, stains, and repainted site were confirmed. Result of the infrared thermography, the delamination of the finishing layer was confirmed, and some locations and shapes of the wooden lath inside the wall were identified. The result of the 3D scanning, the deviation, and the separation of the wall was confirmed. As a result of ultrasonic examination, it was confirmed that the physical properties of the mural were identified and the ultrasonic speed was relatively low due to physical damage such as delamination and exfoliation of the finishing layer and cracking. Ultrasonic speed values were also high in some wall cracks or delamination, and it was confirmed by the infrared thermography results that the wooden lath inside the wall was located in those parts. It was possible to understand that the wooden lath inside the walls affects the ultrasonic speed during the ultrasonic examination. Therefore, management through periodic inspection of the relevant elements is necessary, and a countermeasure for damage that may occur in the future should be prepared along with intensive monitoring of the major damage identified in this diagnosis result.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.34
• /
• pp.124-136
• /
• 2001

Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.56 no.1
• /
• pp.22-43
• /
• 2023

This paper deals with the stone standing Avalokitesvara statue in Jeonghyesa Temple that was created by Mangong in 1924. The stone standing Avalokitesvara statue of Jeonghyesa Temple is the earliest extant Buddha statue produced by Mangong, and symbolism was given to Jeonghyesa in the process of its reconstruction. So far, there has been no study that has approached ideas and beliefs through Buddhist studies led by Mangong and specific relics. In order to proceed with this study, Mangong's legal words and anecdotes and newspaper articles during the Japanese colonial era were used to trace the dynamics of Jeonghyesa and Sudeoksa during Mangong's reign, and to investigate the effects obtained from the creation of the large Bodhisattva statue and the meaning of its location. In addition, an interview was attempted with the descendants of master, who were in charge of the sculpture at the time, to confirm the exact construction period and the list of craftsmen. It is judged that the stone standing Bodhisattva statue of Gwanchoksa Temple has been influenced by the double covering and square crown seen in the standing stone statue of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva of Jeonghyesa Temple, the large hands compared to the body, the proportion between the head and the body, and the sense of enormity felt in the body like a stone pillar. Therefore, we looked at how the standing stone Bodhisattva statue of Gwanchoksa Temple, which was produced in the early Goryeo Dynasty, could have influenced the creation of the Bodhisattva statue in the modern period. A multilateral analysis was attempted on how the image of the Gwanchoksa Bodhisattva statue, which was used as a symbol representing Chungcheongnam-do in the Chosun Exposition held in 1929 and the visit to Gwanchoksa Temple, which began with the laying of the railroad during the Japanese colonial period, was used from the viewpoint of the succession and transformation of the style. With this study as an opportunity, it is hoped that the understanding of the prehistoric Mangong representing the modern period and the horizon of Korean Buddhist sculpture research in the modern period will be broadened.

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• v.8 no.2
• /
• pp.125-154
• /
• 2023

Historically, commerce was a significant factor in the proliferation and development of Buddhism, which is especially manifest in the cult of the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara. Iconographic and textual evidence testifies that maritime trade on the Indian Ocean played a fundamental role in the formation of Avalokiteśvara worship. The sea was also a major conduit through which elements of the Avalokiteśvara faith were transmitted from India through China to Korea and Japan, the easternmost ends of the Silk Road. These elements include Avalokiteśvara's role as a maritime savior, oceanic symbolism, and the concept of the bodhisattva's worldly abode, Potalaka. Cultic sites dedicated to maritime safety were established at important transport hubs in East Asia. Due to China's strategic location on the Silk Road, as well as its cultural influence, the most important cultic sites were founded in China, first on the Shandong Peninsula, then in the southern Jiangnan region, in present-day Zhejiang Province. Especially notable is the role that Korean seafarers played in this process by assisting monks in search of the Dharma, establishing temples, and transmitting religious beliefs across the ocean. The present study focuses on the role that maritime figures played in the cultural exchanges between Korea, China, and Japan examined through Avalokiteśvara faith. By this, it aims to demonstrate how Korean seafarers inherited and continued the traditional relationship between commerce and Buddhism, while extending the Maritime Silk Road to the "East Asian Mediterranean."

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.98
• /
• pp.22-53
• /
• 2020

This paper analyzes the contents, characteristics, and historical significance of the dedicatory inscriptions (josanggi) on the Amitabha Buddha and the Maitreya Bodhisattva statues of Gamsansa Temple, two masterpieces of Buddhist sculpture from the Unified Silla period. In the first section, I summarize research results from the past century (divided into four periods), before presenting a new perspective and methodology that questions the pre-existing notion that the Maitreya Bodhisattva has a higher rank than the Amitabha Buddha. In the second section, through my own analysis of the dedicatory inscriptions, arrangement, and overall appearance of the two images, I assert that the Amitabha Buddha sculpture actually held a higher rank and greater significance than the Maitreya Bodhisattva sculpture. In the third section, for the first time, I provide a new interpretation of two previously undeciphered characters from the inscriptions. In addition, by comparing the sentence structures from the respective inscriptions and revising the current understanding of the author (chanja) and calligrapher (seoja), I elucidate the possible meaning of some ambiguous phrases. Finally, in the fourth section, I reexamine the content of both inscriptions, differentiating between the parts relating to the patron (josangju), the dedication (josang), and the prayers of the patrons or donors (balwon). In particular, I argue that the phrase "for my deceased parents" is not merely a general axiom, but a specific reference. To summarize, the dedicatory inscriptions can be interpreted as follows: when Kim Jiseong's parents died, they were cremated and he scattered most of their remains by the East Sea. But years later, he regretted having no physical memorial of them to which to pay his respects. Thus, in his later years, he donated his estate on Gamsan as alms and led the construction of Gamsansa Temple. He then commissioned the production of the two stone sculptures of Amitabha Buddha and Maitreya Bodhisattva for the temple, asking that they be sculpted realistically to reflect the actual appearance of his parents. Finally, he enshrined the remains of his parents in the sculptures through the hole in the back of the head (jeonghyeol). The Maitreya Bodhisattva is a standing image with a nirmanakaya, or "transformation Buddha," on the crown. As various art historians have pointed out, this iconography is virtually unprecedented among Maitreya images in East Asian Buddhist sculpture, leading some to speculate that the standing image is actually the Avalokitesvara. However, anyone who reads the dedicatory inscription can have no doubt that this image is in fact the Maitreya. To ensure that the sculpture properly embodied his mother (who wished to be reborn in Tushita Heaven with Maitreya Bodhisattva), Kim Jiseong combined the iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara (the reincarnation of compassion). Hence, Kim Jiseong's deep love for his mother motivated him to modify the conventional iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara. A similar sentiment can be found in the sculpture of Amitabha Buddha. To this day, any visitor to the temple who first looks at the sculptures from the front before reading the text on the back will be deeply touched by the filial love of Kim Jiseong, who truly cherished the memory of his parents.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.32 no.2
• /
• pp.124-133
• /
• 2014

The study on Musa basjoo planting in traditional gardens in of folk villages and traditional temples was conducted to identify the phenomenon of Musa basjoo planting which frequently appears in paintings and literatures of the late Joseon dynasty and how the cultural custom is being handed down. The result of the study is as follows. As a result of studying state-designated folk villages 6 sites, the custom is being handed down in a few limited gardens including Asan Oeam Village and Seongju Hangae Village. In case of Oeam Village, there are three gardens where Musa basjoo was planted including Seolimbang, Vice Minister's Residence, and Geonjae House where Musa basjoo withered now. In case of Hangae Village, it was found in Bukbi House, Hahoe Residence and Gyoridaek Jinsa's Residence and most of them were planted in front of guesthouses and main building with the assemble-planting method. Musa basjoo planting was confirmed in 39 traditional temples and it was found that Yangsan Tongdosa Temple and attached hermitage Geukrakam are currently prevalent in Musa basjoo planting. Musa basjoo was planted on either side of the stairs of Buddhist sanctums for Buddha and Avalokitesvara Guan Yin of main temples and gwaneum temples with the assemble-planting method and it has a tendency of pair planting. Considering that Musa basjoo is a southern plant, most of Musa basjoo planting was distributed around Jeollanam-do and Gyeongsangnam-do, which is closely related to the isotherm distribution of the Korean Peninsula. Especially, it was found that planting flora was centered on $12^{\circ}C$ of Warmth Index $100^{\circ}$ and annual average temperature.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.22
• /
• pp.387-432
• /
• 2014

In this paper, I want to compare the mantra of Korean Buddhism with the jumun(呪文) of Daesoonjinrihoe in rites and cultivation. Regarding the mantra of Buddhism there are some researches, but there are few studies with regard to the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe. The mantra of Buddhism and jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe look similar in pronouncing Hangul characters, but the religious and historical context around these seems to be different. The mantra of Korean Buddhism is associated with the introduction and diffusion process of esoteric Buddhism. In the early period of Buddhism some mantras were allowed by Buddha and the mantras were certified as a educational teaching in the period of Early Buddhist schools. In Mahayana school, the dharani that was abstracted from the vast Mahayana scriptures was developed. As Mahayana Buddhism develops, esoteric Buddhism was born in India. Esoteric Buddhism was introduced into China and was imported into Korea in Silla dynasty. In Koryo dynasty various rituals of esoteric Buddhism flourished and Jineunjong(眞言宗) and Chongjijong(總持宗) school were formed. In Chosun dynasty Buddhism was suppressed by government and the esoteric school was discontinued. But in rituals and cultivation the mantra and dharani were flourished in the latter part of Chosun dynasty. In modern period several esoteric schools were formed and developed. In present context the mantra was recited by many people in Korea. Main mantras are 'Om mani padme hum', 'Dharani of Avalokitesvara(神妙章句大陀羅尼)', 'neungumju(楞嚴呪)', 'Gwangmyung mantra(光明眞言) etc. The jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe was started by Kang Jeungsan(姜甑山) who was believed to be a God by Daesoonjinrihoe believers. Jeungsan used several existed mantras in creating new heaven and earth and made new jumuns by himself and taught them to his followers. Cho Jungsan(趙鼎山) who succeeded to the doctrines has received the jumuns by Jeungsan. He selected the jumuns to recite and determined the method how to spell these. Park Hankyung(朴漢慶) who opened Daesoonjinrihoe succeeded the rituals and doctrines. Every day ritual of Daesoonjinrihoe is chanting the jumun and the cultivation and gongbu(工夫) is practiced through jumun. Important jumuns of Daesoonjinrihoe are Taeulju(太乙呪) and Kidoju(祈禱呪). In the aspects of ritual, the mantra of Buddhism and the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe perform a similar function. The mantra of Buddhism has the context of the doctrines of Buddhism and the method of Buddhistic practicing but the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe is related to Jeungsan's teaching and the doctrines of Daesoonjinrihoe. But it is same that the mantra and jumun are used in communicating or uniting with ultimate reality. So the mantra and jumun are important vehicles for homo religius to meet the sacred and unite with the sacred and is regarded as the sacred word by the faithful which has a lot of symbols and meanings.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.50 no.2
• /
• pp.116-139
• /
• 2017

Naksansa Temple was famous for a miracle temple where Lee Haeng-ri(李行里), King Ikjo(翼祖), had prayed for offspring and soon begat King Dojo(度祖). According to the First King's Annals("太祖實錄"), King Dojo was the person who directly received prophecy of founding a Joseon. For these reasons, Naksansa Temple received attention concerning the foundation of Joseon. The birth story of King Dojo and his father's prayer at the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva cave(觀音窟), Naksansa Temple, was well known among the noblemen and royal families until the Late Joseon period. Lee Seoung gye(李成桂) paid particular attention to the Naksansa Temple, and King Sejo(世祖) also made people rebuild the temple when he went for a royal tour in Gangwon-do. Naksansa Temple was built during the time when King Sejo made many temples in order to strengthen the royal authority. King Sejo made people extensively rebuild the temple, praying for health and longevity of King Yejong(his son). King Sejo's will of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple was very strong. The residents of the area had to pay a huge cost because the rebuilding of the Naksansa Temple was a big construction. Hak-yeol(學悅), who had a responsibility of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple, forcedly obtained supplies as he received protection from the royal family. Naksansa Temple thrived with the protection of the royal family after rebuilding. King Yejong and Seongjong gave Naksansa Temple slaves and fields(田地). He also bestowed upon the temple the salts which was the tribute paid by Gangwon-do. In order to protect the precincts of the Naksansa Temple, the government closed the Yang Yang Main Street near Naksansa Temple and built a new road. And the signs of preventing fishing(捕漁) was built along the coast of Naksan in four kilometers in order to keep people out. Although the Naksansa Temple declined in the late Joseon period, it still received support under the protection policy and maintained its reputation as an original Buddhist shrine.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.37
• /
• pp.121-150
• /
• 2004

As genre of Buddhist paintings that express generally mountains and waters, there are Eight Scenes from Life of the Buddha(八相圖), Eternal Life Painting(甘露圖), Avalokitesvara Painting(觀音菩薩圖) includes Sixteen Lohans painting(十六羅漢圖), and Hermit Painting(獨聖圖), or Mountain God Painting(山神圖) which is especially appeared in late Chosun Period. These Buddhist paintings had various backgrounds including mountains and waters, the tradition of Water Ink Painting still remains after 18th century, however the trends got complicated to express various landscapes including splendid color, waters and mountains, and it appeared to have historical trend with introduction of factors of Minhwa(民畵) so called in 19th century. Sixteen Lohans painting painted from late 19th to early 20th century, still contains the traditional factors in terms of describing background among above trends, however the main factors of expressing the background are different from other Buddhist painting which reflects historical art trends in colors and its materials by drawing various background distinctively. That is, Sixteen Lohans painting is distinct at describing the background of blue & green colored mountains and waters that is appeared in trend of Minhwa(民畵) and the royal which were popular at that time It also shows broad acceptance with introduction of new background expressions such as Sipjangsang(十長生, Picture of 10 different things of Sun, Mountain, Water, Stone, Cloud, Pine, Plant of eternal youth, tortoise, Crane, and deer to hope the eternal life) Unryoung(雲龍, Dragon Cloud), Mangho(猛虎, Wild Tiger), Gweseck(怪石, Oddly shaped stone), Hwajo(花鳥, Flowers and Birds), Chaekgoeri(冊巨里, The books and bookshaves). In terms of its materials, positive representations of eternal life, wealth and luck were mainly appeared, this is closely related with Self-Search of Buddhist which was the trend at that time that Buddhist turned into the popularized religion in Chosun Period, especially the cooperation of popular belief with Taoism. This is appeared on various Taoists that is expressed in Buddhist paintings of Sixteen Lohans painting at that time. It would provide some clauses to infer the painted years of existing Minhwa at the fixed type of folk story paintings appeared on Sixteen Lohans painting painted mainly from late 19th to early 20th Century. There is also a possibility of the active participation of Buddhist painters(佛畵僧) as painters of Minhwa by request and demands from common people. Inquiry into factors of folk story paintings among Buddhist paintings started from similarity of the materials and shapes, however it doesn't seem to have dramatically expressed comic or exceptional techniques. But, the fact that there are similar types of decorative pictures in the Royal Court rather seemed to be possible for Buddhist paintings to have functions as religion.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.489-524
• /
• 2016

This study examines the birth of a genre, the $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Misemono Opera, focusing on how it accepted and modernized Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. Unlike earlier studies, it argues that Terayama was clearly different from other first-generation Angura artists, in that he rebirthed the medieval story $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ as a modern Misemono Opera. Shintokumaru (1978) was directed by Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji$, a member of the first generation of Japan's 1960s Angura Theatre Movement. It takes as its subject the Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Shintokumaru, a story set to music that can be considered an example of the modern heritage of East Asian storytelling. $Sekky{\bar{o}}$ Shintokumaru is set in Tennoji, Japan. The title character Shintoku develops leprosy as a result of his stepmother's curse and is saved through his fiancee Otohime's devoted love and the spiritual power of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. In this work, Terayama combined the narrative style of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ with J.A. Caesar's shamanistic rock music and gave it the subtitle 'Misemono Opera by $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$'. He transforms its underlying theme, the principle of goddesses and their offspring in a medieval religious world and the modori (return) instinct, into a world of mother-son-incest. Also, the pedestrian revenge scene from $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ is altered to represent Shintokumaru as a drag queen, wearing his stepmother's clothes and mask, and he unites sexually with Sensaku, his stepbrother, and ends up killing him. The play follows the cause and effect structure of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. The appearance of katarite, a storyteller, propelling the narrative throughout and Dr. Yanagida Kunio is significant as an example of the modern use of self-introduction as a narrative device and chorus. Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji^{\prime}s$ memories of desperate childhood, especially the absence of his father and the Aomori air raids, are depicted and deepened in structure. However, seventeen years after Terayama's death, the version of the play directed by Ninagawa Yukio-based on a revised edition by Kishida Rio, who had been Terayama's writing partner since the play's premier-is the today the better-known version. All the theatrical elements implied by Terayama's subtitle were removed, and as a result, the Rio production misses the essence of the diverse experimental theatre of Terayama's theatre company, $Tenj{\bar{o}}$ Sajiki. Shintokumaru has the narrative structure characteristic of aphorism. That is, each part of the story can stand alone, but it is possible to combine all the parts organically.